The Moranbong Orchestra. North Korea’s weapons of mass propaganda?


Term Paper (Advanced seminar), 2019

30 Pages, Grade: 1,0


Excerpt


Inhaltsverzeichnis

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical framework and methodology
2.1. Theory – Legitimation through propaganda
2.2. Case Selection
2.3. Methodology and sources

3. The Moranbong Orchestra
3.1. Means of Distribution
3.2. Music and Lyrics
3.3. Visual Appearance
3.4 National and International Context

4. Conclusion

5. Table of Figures

6. Bibliography

1. Introduction

In July 2012, Kim Jong-un1 launched a “weapon” (Khawaja 2017: 167), that would prove just as powerful in the long run as the nuclear weapons tested only half a year later. On July 6, 2012, the Moranbong Orchestra (모란봉악단, “Moranbong” in the following) made their first publicly documented appearance (Korhonen 2014). The group caught international attention for several reasons. First, it was the first North Korean all-female orchestra. It was also the only orchestra of its kind until 2019. Second, the singers performed Western songs in mini-skirts accompanied by Disney figures (Moranbong 2012b). This marked an enormous contrast to the rather militaristic appearances of North Korean bands of the past (see Kim 2013b: 2). Finally, the concert was also the first public appearance of Kim Jong-un’s wife Ri Sol-ju. Moranbong’s creation came at a time where Kim Jong-un was still in the process of consolidating his power in North Korea (Koo et al. 2016, Lee 2018b). This led some North Korea observers to hope for more liberalization in the “Hermit Kingdom” (Cumings 2005: 433). However, North Korea soon dissolved these hopes stating that "there would be no such policy shift as expected by enemy countries" (quoted after: Yoo 2012: 194). In February 2013, North Korea proved that it was not planning to become more liberal at all.

A research topic with Moranbong as a starting point seems therefore promising for numerous reasons. First, the most obvious reason is that the band is a reminder that there is more in North Korea than nuclear weapons and a “little rocket man”. This is not to belittle the atrocities committed by the North Korean government (see: UN 2014). It means recognizing the average North Korean as a human being with a taste in music, fashion, and entertainment living within the barriers set by the political system. Since no political system is totally unresponsive to popular interest, one can look at Moranbong to get an idea of what is considered “North Korean” under Kim Jong-un. Second, there is remarkably little research on 21st century North Korean music in general and Moranbong in particular. For some observers, Moranbong is just “terrible synth pop […] propaganda” (Khawaja 2017). Others claim the general availability of North Korean sources as an obstacle to further research on North Korea (see Frank 2013: 432). However, in the case of Moranbong there is considerable material available due to the proactive distribution via North Korean media channels at home and abroad. Existing research has explored either a cultural or a technical approach by examining the cultural motives, styles or performance techniques (Korhonen 2014).

Building on these findings, this paper is whether Moranbong could be another tool employed by Kim Jong-un to legitimate his regime. In accordance with Gerschewski (2013), it is argued here that even a system like North Korea cannot exist repression alone. It needs to build a certain degree of support by the population. It needs legitimacy. This can either be performance-oriented (specific support) or more general (diffuse support). It is argued here that Moranbong serves both functions by providing a veritable propaganda tool to the North Korean regime. This tool can be directed at both the domestic and foreign audiences by implementing associations and symbols recognized by the respective audiences. Pyongyang can adjust this tool to serve the expectations of the respective audiences. This means neither a cultural liberalization nor “putting old revolutionary wine into new aesthetic forms” (Cathcart 2012a) but a new style of North Korean music in the 21st century.

The argument is examined as a historical case study drawing on North Korean primary and secondary sources. Language barriers and availability necessitate a rather large inclusion of secondary analyses. The methods and challenges of the methodology are further explained in the next chapter as well as the theoretical framework of legitimation and propaganda. Both concepts are highly contested and need a clear and practicable definition. This is done in the third chapter. The fourth chapter illustrates the theoretical argument in an empirical analysis. Particular attention is paid to the performance style, the content and the international context of the Moranbong performances. Chapter five sums up the analysis, discusses its limitations and outlines possibilities for further research.

2. Theoretical framework and methodology

In this section, three aspects of the analysis will be outlined. In the first section, legitimation and propaganda will be defined, and it will be outlined how authoritarian states use propaganda to achieve their respective goals. In the second sub-chapter, it will be shown why Moranbong is an ideal and prototypical case to study. The chapter will conclude with a discussion on methodology and the challenges when working with North Korean sources.

2.1. Theory – Legitimation through propaganda

Authoritarian regime leaders usually need to take greater care of surviving in office than do their democratic counterparts.2 This is mostly due to a higher probability of autocracies ending in a violent manner (Koo et al. 2016: 214). Gerschewski (2013) provides a heuristic framework that helps to explain why and how authoritarian regimes remain stable or why they fail to do so. In this model, “legitimation”, “co-optation” and “repression” serve as the “pillars” on which the regime stability rests (see Fig. 1). While repression aims at suppressing regime opposition through fear, conversely, co-optation and legitimation should ensure support by the strategic elite and the population ideally (Gerschewski 2014: 91-138, Gerschewski et al. 2012: 112-114). In practice, both audiences are targeted with material incentives (Gerschewski et al. 2012: 116).3

Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten

Fig. 1

Regarding legitimacy, it is important to differentiate it from legitimation. „(...)[L]egitimacy is an ascribed attribute and a property of an object (e.g. a regime), while legitimation refers to the process of gaining legitimacy” (Gerschewski 2018: 655). Legitimacy is understood here in line with Max Weber’s definition as a belief in the legitimacy of the political order (Gerschewski et al. 2012: 114). Building on David Easton’s system theory, Gerschewski subclassifies legitimation further into specific and diffuse support of the political system. Specific support by the population is mainly based on the perception of how well the political system performs and produces output. “The better it performs economically, socially, and in terms of public order, the more legitimate it is in the eyes of the ruled” (Gerschewski 2013: 20). Diffuse support is more long-term oriented and refers to what the system actually represents. The legitimacy claim must be fundamental and uncontested (Gerschewski 2014: 95 f.). The claim can derive from various sources, such as ideology, charisma or “rally-around-the-flag”-effects (Gerschewski 2013: 20). „(...)[T]he dominant and ruling elite needs to create a ‚legend‘ on which its entitlement claims are based upon” (Gerschewski 2014: 101). Legitimacy can be achieved by various measures.

„The legitimization of a regime includes all measures of a political regime aimed at generating voluntary following, or at least docility, by means of political promises, promises and concrete measures, regardless of whether they are successful, that is, by means of these promises, promises and measures succeed in actually stabilizing the rule of man by creating allegiance " (own translation after: Kailitz & Wurster 2017: 142)

One way to generate support by the people is through propaganda, i.e.

„the more or less systematic effort to manipulate other people’s beliefs, attitudes, or actions by means of symbols (words, gestures, banners, monuments, music, clothing, insignia, hairstyles, designs on coins and postage stamps, and so forth)” (Smith 2016).

The concept is contested and evokes different associations depending on historic experiences.4 In Europe, it is often associated with fascist depictions during World War II. However, the framing of the 2003 Iraq war as a war against “the axis of evil” and Saddam Hussein’s alleged weapons of mass destruction underline the actual and global impact of the term (Bussemer 2005: 12 f.). The propaganda concepts share certain characteristics which set it apart from similar concepts like debate or education.

“[The propagandist] deliberately selects facts, arguments, and displays of symbols and presents them in ways he thinks will have the most effect. To maximize effect, he may omit pertinent facts or distort them, and he may try to divert the attention of the reactors (the people whom he is trying to sway) from everything but his own propaganda” (Smith 2016).

Contemporary propaganda can employ a wide range of symbols, signs, and media to deliver its intended messages from sound over structures to visual signs.5 These messages are delivered to the audience via media. Audio-visual media, especially television, can be considered the most effective tool, because it stimulates various senses of the reactor or the reactors at the same time.

“Television can convey a great many types of signs simultaneously; it can gain heavy impact from mutually reinforcing gestures, words, postures, and sounds and a background of symbolically significant leaders, celebrities, historic settings, architectures, flags, music, placards, maps, uniforms, insignia, cheering or jeering mobs or studio audiences, and staged assemblies of prestigious or powerful people” (Smith 2016).

[...]


1 This paper uses three different types of romanization from Korean into English. In general, Revised Romanization is used for both North and South Korean terms, for example “Juche” and not “Chuch’e”. Well-known terms are Romanized as commonly used, so i.e. “Kim Jong-un” not “ Gim Jeong-eun” and “Pyongyang” not “Pyeongyang“. For genuinely North Korean sources and terms, North Korean romanization is used, so “Rodong Sinmun” not “Nodong Sinmun” and 리설주 (Ri Sol-ju)” not 이설주 (Lee Sol-ju).

2 Autocracy refers here to the opposite of democracy. It includes both “authoritarian, totalitarian, and post-totalitarian regimes, as well as more recent classification efforts into personalist, one-party, or military regimes“. Regime is a “formal and informal organization of the center of political power, and of its relations to the broader society” (Gerschewski 2013: 31 Fn. 4). Stability is the capacity of meeting challenges to the regime and adjust to changes in the political environment (Gerschewski et al. 2012: 108).

3 Since Moranbong is obviously not a repressive measure and directed at the broad North Korean society (Korhonen 2014), the concepts of cooptation and repression will not be further outlined. For details (see: Gerschewski 2013: 21, Gerschewski 2014: 119 f.)

4 Since its first documented appearance in the 17th century the meaning and connotation of propaganda have changes often (for an historical overview see: Bussemer 2005: 26-32).

5 Symbol is a sign having a particular meaning for a given reactor. Evidently, one symbol can have different meanings to different reactors (Smith 2016).

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Details

Title
The Moranbong Orchestra. North Korea’s weapons of mass propaganda?
College
University of Heidelberg
Grade
1,0
Author
Year
2019
Pages
30
Catalog Number
V537915
ISBN (eBook)
9783346138095
ISBN (Book)
9783346138101
Language
English
Keywords
Korea, Nordkorea, Propaganda, moranbong
Quote paper
Julian Klose (Author), 2019, The Moranbong Orchestra. North Korea’s weapons of mass propaganda?, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/537915

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