Californians and Water. Development, Problems, and Prospects

Table of Contents

Introduction

1. The History of Water in California
1.1. Aboriginal Waterscape
1.2. Hispanic Patterns
1.3. American Takeover

2. Water Use in California
2.1. Environmental Use
2.2. Agriculture Use
2.3. Urban Use

3. Distribution of Water and Water Projects
3.1. Central Valley Project
3.2. State Water Project
3.3. Consequences of Water Projects

4. Problems of Water Supply

5. Prospects and Measures Adopted to Reduce Water Problems

Conclusion

Works Cited

Introduction

Water in California is a political issue. It is always in the wrong place at the wrong time. In springtime, when there is enough precipitation, the snowmelt from the Sierra Nevada floods valleys and fields. And during summer when farmers need the water the land is dry. Additionally, the North commands over three quarters of the water while the South consumes 80 % of it. Therefore, the state pumps water from a gigantic basin called the Sacramento San Joaquin River Delta to the thirsty South. This was not invariably the case four hundred years ago when Native Californians inhabited Cali- fornia. Its waterscape differed markedly from that of todays and changed significantly while undergoing the Spanish Conquest and the American Takeover. After recogniz- ing the value of water a fight over water emerged still leading political debates today.

This research paper deals with Californian’s and water, examining problems, devel- opments and prospects of water distribution and consumption. It provides an overview of the history of California’s waterscape and its manipulation by different races. The first chapter deals with the Native Californians and their reception of nature followed by the Spanish who brought a completely different set of values to the country and finally the American Conquest introducing a new era of water consumption. These elaborations are based on Norris Hundley’s comprehensive work The Great Thirst: Californians and Water as it provides incisive descriptions and explanations encom- passing two centuries of water problems in California.

The second chapter illustrates California’s water use and explains the different sectors trying to examine where the highest amount of water is being consumed. The distribu- tion of water and different water projects are subject to the third chapter. This para- graph explains the Central Valley Project such as the State Water Project and identi- fies problems and consequences. Subsequently, problems of California’s water supply are highlighted and possible solutions are elaborated. Chapters 2 – 5 are based on in- formation provided by the Department of Water Resources which provides a detailed schedule of annual Water Plan updates on its website.

1. The History of Water in California

Taking a closer look on California and its history of water means inevitably being confronted with sharp contrasts. Contrasts that do not only differ in obvious changes such as population size and technology but also in attitudes and values of the Natives Americans and European conquerors (cf. Hundley 1992: 2). This chapter provides an overview of how California’s waterscape changed from an aboriginal one to a manipu- lated industrialized one, exemplifying different conceptions of dealing with nature and especially with the distribution of water.

1.1. Aboriginal Waterscape

California’s aboriginal waterscape is incomparable with that of todays (cf. Hundley 1992: 5). Previous to the arrival of the European conquerors, who started manipulating the waterscape by constructing massive dams and aqueducts, California’s environment was unspoiled. In this context, the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers have to be men- tioned as they were “preeminent in shaping all valley life” (Hundley 1992: 5). Accord- ing to Hundley, “in their natural state, both rivers constantly shaped and reshaped the contours of the great valley […]” (Hundley 1992: 5). Furthermore, the rivers drained the Great Central Valley enabling a great diversity of flora and fauna. Unfortunately, large parts of the forests which grew alongside rivers and streams have now vanished (cf. Hundley 1992: 7).

Previous to the Spanish settlement Indians populated aboriginal California “fashioning life-styles that harmonized well with their world” (Hundley 1992: 13). It is striking to see how the Natives valued nature and how conscious they were in treating it. Their belief was not to dominate nature as their successors but to live in harmony with it (cf. Hundley: 2). They did not consider nature as something taken-for-grantedness nor did they feel to exploit it. Hundley points out that California Natives regarded nature as an “intrinsic value of its own” and explaining that “to most tribes, plants and animals shared with humankind creation and spirit in a world where all living things were in- terconnected and each form of life had a special function” (Hundley 1992: 2). Alt- hough the Californian Natives made their living depending on nature they held the view that their resources should not be exploited. They favored taking from nature “as necessary” instead of “indiscriminate slaughter or wasteful gathering” (cf. Hundley 1992: 2). A unique characteristic that distinguishes California Natives from other Indi- an communities like the Aztecs constitutes the absence of constructing dams or irriga- tion ditches (cf. Hundley 1992: 4). According to Hundley, “they had no need for such elements of material culture and hence placed no value on developing them”. All these ideas play a part in reinforcing the “strong respect for nature” (Hundley 1992: 4).

Notoriously, Native American communities lived together in villages forming differ- ent tribes. In aboriginal California they developed different cultures that were accom- modated to the actual environment surrounding them (cf. Hundley 1992: 13). Hundley highlights six areas: coastal, riverine, lakeshore, valley and plains, foothills, and de- serts (cf. Hundley 1992: 13). Additionally, anthropologists found that besides linguis- tic diversity, climate, terrain, water, animals, and plants varied from area to area (cf. Hundley 1992: 13). With reference to village foundation water constituted a crucial factor for the Native Indians. Since their entire life depended on the access of water it was important for the Indians to have an overview of the waterscape. Hundley points out that “such an outlook reflected economic as well as political considerations, for it ordinarily gave a native community control of both banks of a river or stream or creek, and it provided easy access to the game and fowl that sought out such water courses” (Hundley 1992: 14). Another advantage of controlling territories including rivers, streams and lakes was the possibility to prepare acorns and to have access to fish (cf. Hundley 1992: 14).

Moreover, anthropologists found that they also practiced agriculture “long before the arrival of Europeans” (Hundley 1992: 16). In order to produce certain goods, for ex- ample baskets access to water was essential. Anthropologists consider the adoption of agriculture as a result of the increasing population in Indian communities (cf. Hundley 1992: 18). He states that “when the natural increase in the population of an area cre- ates a food demand incapable of being met through hunting and gathering alone, the resulting pressure prompts the development of agricultural techniques” (Hundley 1992: 18). Noteworthy is also the Paiute tribe which also practiced agriculture and used irrigation techniques such as diverting water and building dams in the Owens Valley (cf. Hundley 1992: 17). Nevertheless, it is important to keep in mind that agri- culture which was practiced in the Owens Valley developed independently from that of other Indian communities (cf. Hundley 1992: 17).

1.2. Hispanic Patterns

The Spanish conquest of Alta California in 1769 ushered California into a new era. It was a nation that brought sharply contrasting sets of values and life-styles to Califor- nia. The Spanish held the view that nature with all its diversity of animals, plants and resources belonged solely to man legitimizing its exploitation in the name of God. The codification of Spanish law L as Siete Partidas from 1265 declares that “man has the power to do as he sees fit with those things that belong to him according to the laws of God and man” (cited in Hundley 1992: 26). This view already served for establishing Iberian institutions that were in charge of distributing and controlling water (cf. Hund- ley 1992: 26). Due to the few rivers and low precipitation in Spain the regulation of water use is of fundamental importance (cf. Hundley 1992: 26). The Spanish and their predecessors were very progressive regarding irrigation systems. They did not only construct massive aqueducts and fountains but also large water systems that irrigated the gardens of the Alhambra (cf. Hundley 1992: 27, 28). Moreover, water has always been regarded “as a source of power and wealth, used to manipulate allies and defeat enemies” (Hundley 1992: 26). Consequently, over the years the Spanish developed a principle that determined the distribution of water in a just and fair way (cf. Hundley 1992: 28). This principle made use of the concept of allocating water proportionally, that is, “people obtaining an amount in proportion to their legitimate needs and pro- portion to the volume to water available” (Hundley 1992: 28).

With these ideas the Spanish reached America. They conquered Alta California by establishing their cultural patterns and founding forts, towns and missions. The set- tlers, with a high awareness of the importance of water, practiced agriculture and de- pended on livestock farming (cf. Hundley 1992: 29). In Missions the Spanish convert- ed the Native population to Christianity until they were “civilized”. Once an Indian community of a mission was completely “civilized” the mission was redefined as a pueblo. The fact that the Spanish considered water essential for survival in California is reflected in the foundations of San Diego (1769), Monterey (1170), San Francisco (1776), and Santa Bárbara (1782) (cf. Hundley 1992: 32). All four of them were found near the coast in a relatively short period of time. More evidence of the importance of water can be found in Governor Felipe de Neve’s instructions for founding the pueb- los San José (1777), Los Angeles (1781) and Branciforte (1797) (cf. Hundley 1992: 33).

For the foundation of the pueblos of la Reina de los Angeles, all lands should be as- certained which can have the benefit of irrigation” and “the pueblo is to be located […] so that the whole or the greater part of the lands for cultivation […] should be opened (cited in Hundley 1992: 32).

Similar concerns about agricultural developments where implied in context with the foundation of San José. Additionally, Governor Diego de Borica instructed his sol- diers to “find a location with abundant land and water” while he was looking for a suitable location for founding Branciforte (cf. Hundley 1992: 33).

According to Hundley, people were permitted to own land but they were not allowed to obtain a title to water (cf. Hundley 1992: 39). He points out that, “under Spanish law, water in a municipality did not belong to separate individuals, but rather passed from the monarch to the entire community as a corporate body” (Hundley 1992: 39). In order to register community water right regulations the so called Plan of Pitic (1783) was drafted (cf. Hundley 1992: 39). The plan contained a principle that had long been applied by the Spanish, namely, the principle to “allocate water with equity and justice” (Hundley 1992: 39).

In order to maintain a just and fair water distribution inhabitants of a village had to meet special obligations (cf. Hundley 1992: 41). The prime obligation for each inhab- itant constituted the maintenance of their canal system the so called zanja madre (cf. Hundley 1992: 41). Everybody was requested to look after the canal system, cleaning and repairing it. It was crucial to meet these obligations since the “water channeled through the zanja madre had to satisfy many purposes before being abandoned” (Hundley 1992: 43). On the one hand, it was used to supply their livestock and to irri- gate their crops. On the other hand, the residents needed water in order to satisfy their domestic household needs and last but not least it was needed as potable water (cf. Hundley 1992: 43). The fact that water was used for so many different needs such as for animals, laundry, sewage and garbage constituted a “potential for great harm” (Hundley 1992: 43). For this reason, the government established these obligations and imposed a penalty for anyone polluting the zanja madre (cf. Hundley 1992: 43).

Another sophisticated tool of the Spanish depicts the lavandería. According to Hund- ley, “the system kept fresh water out of the domestic supply while the lye soaps of the day did not harm the crops” (Hundley 1992: 43). The Spanish recognized that water was precious so they filtered it used it several times with the help of the lavandería (cf. Hundley 1992: 43).

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