Ethnic Minority Crisis in Africa

TABLE OF CONTENT

DEDICATION

ABSTRACT

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

TABLE OF CONTENT

LIST OF FIGURES

ABBREVATIONS

CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 INTRODUCTION
1.2 MOTIVATION
1.3 METHODOLOGIES
1.4 HYPOTHESIS
1.5 RESEARCH QUESTION
1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION
1.7 CHAPTER OUTLINE
1.7.1 CHAPTER TWO
1.7.2 CHAPTER THREE
1.7.3 CHAPTER FOUR
1.7.4 CHAPTER FIVE
1.8 LITERATURE REVIEW
1.8.1 Definition of key terms
1.9 Conclusion

CHAPTER TWO THE THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Ethnic relations and its history in Africa
2.2.1 Mechanisms needed for conflict reduction
2.3 Political systems in Africa
2.4 Socio-economic development in a regional perspective
2.5 Conclusion

CHAPTER THREE HISTORY OF CAMEROON AND ORIGIN OF THE PROBLEM
3.1 Introduction
3.2 A Brief history of Cameroon
3.3 Colonial inheritance of Cameroon
3.3.1 Consequences
3.4 Origin of the Anglophone problem in Cameroon
3.5 Terms of the Foumban constitutional conference which were not respected
3.6.1 Economic Discrimination
3.6.2 Discrimination in Education and Training
3.7 Conclusion

CHAPTER FOUR ACTIONS CARRIED OUT BY THE ANGLOPHONES TO SLOVE THE MARGINALIZATION
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Social Democratic Front (SDF)
4.3 All Anglophone Conference (ACC)
4.4 Southern Cameroon National Council (SCNC)
4.5 Southern Cameroon Youth League (SCYL)
4.6 Anglophone Diaspora
4.7 Strategies used by the Cameroon government to neutralize the Anglophone Identity
4.7.1 Divide and Rule;
4.7.2
4.7.3 The establishment of direct and indirect control over the mass media
4.7.4 Repression:
4.8 An evaluation of the actions taken by Anglophone movements to solve the marginalization problem in Cameroon
4.8.1 Success
4.8.2 Failures
4.9 Conclusion

CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION AND POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS TO THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM
5.1 Conclusion
5.2 Possible solutions to the Anglophone problem
5.3 Peace building and the way forward
5.4 Contribution of this study to developmental studies

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: CAMEROON REPRESENTED ON THE AFRICAN MAP

Figure 2 : MAP SHOWING NORTHWEST AND SOUTHWEST REGIONS (Anglophone areas)

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Figure 1: Cameroon represented on African map (source) Cameroon. www.worldatlas.com (accessed July 13, 2013)

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Figure 2 : MAP SHOWING NORTHWEST AND SOUTHWEST REGIONS (Anglophone areas) source: Atlas of Cameroon. “Wikimedia Commons”. (accessed July 13, 2013)

ABBREVATIONS

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DEDICATION

This piece of work is dedicated to the Lord God Almighty, the giver of all academic inspirations and successes, and through whose guidance, love and care, I have produced this thesis

&

To my beloved family (The Atanga’s) for constant support

ABSTRACT

Many minority group conflicts and marginalization has been a challenge to the peaceful existence and development of many African countries. This research work is based on the topic: Ethnic Minority crisis in Africa, with case study that of The Anglophone problem in Cameroon and specifically looking at the socio-economic development.

The former British Southern Cameroonians known as Anglophones claim they are been marginalized by the Francophone’s who are the majority and ruling group. They claim that they are not politically represented both in government and decision making of the country and their regions, the North West and South West regions lag behind both in social and economic development mindful of the rich natural resources. This has created a sense of secessionist ideology. Attention is also focused on what the Anglophone movements like Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), All Anglophone Council (AAC), and Southern Cameroon Youth League (SCYL) have been doing to eradicate this marginalization syndrome of Anglophones and response of the Cameroonian government to provide a solution to the crisis.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

My warm appreciation goes to my supervisor Prof. Iain Watson for his consistent supervision of my work. He devotedly read through my thesis, made corrections and provided me with constructive ideas. My regards goes to Prof Ricardo Wheatley and course instructors for their teachings and lectures, which have enriched my intellect and directed me in the writing of this thesis. To the entire Ajou staffs, your benevolent gesture have been incredible encouragement, my years in Ajou have been so insatiable, I desire nothing like to keep the flag of Ajou waving high

Special gratitude to my beloved parent’s Mr. Atanga Donatus and Mrs Esther Mambo, their enduring spirit, encouragement, and constant love forms the foundation of this work. Special thanks to my cousins in USA, Europe and Cameroon, to my siblings, Atanga Marius, Atanga Marceline, Atanga Valery, Atanga Gisele, Atanga Prudy and Atanga Herve whom in one way have influenced my life.

This research would not have been possible without support from my colleagues and friends, Nicaise Tassadong, Azenga Festus, Claude Hene, Fonki Fritz, Etta Clems, Asongwe Peter,

CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION

1.1 INTRODUCTION

Minority-majority politics has become a permanent feature of the global political debate creating a new attention on the subject by political scholars. The reasons for this are easy to see minority issues have led to violent conflicts in states and threaten state stability in many areas and could lead to secession for example Soudan, DR Congo and Nigeria. The problem of minority groups are usually aggravated during an uncertain political or cultural situation and in order to cope, these minority groups tend to nurture a high sense of group identity, longing for lost opportunities and a desire to return to a specific political circumstances which sometimes become the main objectives of the leaders of this minority (Lyombe 2003:2). This is the situation of the Anglophones in Cameroon today.

Cameroon is a sub-Saharan African country found basically between west and central Africa. It was colonized by France and Britain, this explains why Cameroon is a bilingual country speaking both French and English. Cameroon has a population of about 20 million and Francophone’s make up about 85% (majority) of the population while the Anglophones about 15% (minority) of the total population this could also clarified using the regions in Cameroon with eight belonging to the Francophone’s and two regions to the Anglophones. We can note that, the Anglophones are comparatively small as compare to the other part of the country and this small nature has affected it existence in negative directions.

Cameroon like most other African countries has its internal problems although there has been no major armed conflict since independent in 1961, there is the problem of the minority group being dominated by the majority and this majority also controls the government, thus Anglophone Cameroon has been at the forefront of ethno-regional protests and demands rearrangement of state power. Two scholars Konings and Nyamnjoh, claim that “there is a widespread feeling in this region that reunification with Francophone Cameroon in 1961 has led to a growing marginalization of the Anglophone minority in the state project controlled by the Francophone elites, endangering its political heritage and identity (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 2). They led us know that it was around the early periods of political liberalization in the 1990’s that the Anglophone elites began to mobilize the regional population against their subordinated positions to demand for self-determination and autonomy, reintroducing federalism and later secession to the political agenda. Still both authors Konings and Nyamnjoh (2003:2) mention that there also exist ethno-regional divisions and tensions within the Anglophones themselves particularly South West and North West, which means that conflict exists at different levels in the country. We should note that the post-colonial state has taken advantage of these existing contradictions within the Anglophone community to deconstruct the Anglophone identity.

Eko Lyombe views the Anglophone problem as a multiple of political, economic and social grievances expressed by the English-speaking minorities in the predominated French speaking republic of Cameroon. These grievances are expressed in terms of discrimination, marginalization and second-class citizenship (Lyombe 2003:2). This marginalization has not yet reached its peak by resulting in an armed conflict and it is important that necessary majors be taken for a proactive prevention of a violent conflict in Cameroon. In order to better understand what the problem is all about and look for better solutions as well, we need clarifications what is ethnicity, which means or can be seen as belonging to the same membership of in a culturally and geographically defined group that may share language, cultural practices, religion or other aspects. Apart from the language problem, Cameroon has more than 250 ethnic groups within the territory and furthermore, after the partition of Cameroon between Britain and France some ethnic groups were divided meaning part belonging to both Anglophone and Francophone but have same local language. This is a minor issue as English and French has divided Cameroon in a large perspective. We should not forget what really a state is and from there we shall come to realize and well appreciate the Anglophone problem. These Anglophones Cameroonians are the minority group, so it’s important to understand the Anglophone problem after looking at the definition of the word minority and also define who is an Anglophone Cameroonian, sovereignty and also territorial integrity. It is also essential to define and expatiate on the followings words mention above in the introduction, which I will explain in the literature review to better understand the situation of Cameroon.

1.2 MOTIVATION

Analyzing the Anglophone problem in Cameroon, I will want to understand what the reasons behind this ideology and why the Anglophones feel marginalized. Also what the Anglophones being doing so far to stop this discrimination and if there is something to be done to improve the status of the Anglophone? I intend to explore strategies to remove the impediments for implementing “equal status” by focusing on equal participation, democracy and management of natural resources so the purpose of my study is to uncover obstacles and barriers to equal status of the citizens of Cameroon.

1.3 METHODOLOGIES

My analysis will be based on secondary sources and existing literature on Cameroon, which consist of books, articles, reports, official document from Anglophone press which will be relevant for grounding any argument. Again, the deductive method, because with a delicate topic which threatens national unity and need to come out with some definitions of key words. The first, therefore, is the elaboration of a set of principles or allied ideas that are then tested through empirical observation or experimentation. Thus I will be concentrating mostly on Anglophone literature which I found for my empirical materials, implying that there might be possible biases in the empirical materials which also mean limitation of this study. So I have tried to balance this by putting the description and analysis presented by Anglophone Cameroonians writers in a wider context of a relevant ethnicity and democracy theories so as to understand their significance.

1.4 HYPOTHESIS

Cameroons diverse colonial heritage has influence marginalization problem in the territory. Meaning British and French influence over Cameroon has created two different cultural and language barrier after colonization leading to the Anglophone problems who feels dominated by the Francophone regime in place.

1.5 RESEARCH QUESTION

The study will attempt answering the following questions.

- What is the origin of the Anglophone problem in Cameroon?
- In what ways are the Anglophone marginalized in Contemporary Cameroon?
- What have the Anglophones tried to do to stop this marginalization, and what are they doing today?
- What are the main reasons for this marginalization?
- What are the prospects for a solution to the problem of marginalization?

1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION

This research work will cover the origin of the Anglophone problem, the ways in which the Anglophones are marginalized and effects of this marginalization on the socio-economic development of the Anglophone area. Measures which have been taken by the Anglophone and Francophone’s to solve this problem and to what extend these measures have succeeded. This research will be carrying out on Cameroon from the time of independence in 1960 up to 2013. The limitation is that due to time frame I might not be able to fully evaluate the socio-economic development trends in the Anglophone area. Also there is a limitation on the literature on what the Francophone authors have written about Anglophone problem because they have written very little.

1.7 CHAPTER OUTLINE

The paper will consist of the following chapters, besides this introduction, which is also chapter one.

1.7.1 CHAPTER TWO

This chapter contains the theoretical approach. There is hardly a research work without theories because in science what are needed are relevant facts which are relative to the current state development of that science. The relevant facts for science are answers provided from ideal observations” (Chalmers 2004:11), I am going to use three main theoretical fields which are

- Ethnic Relations and its history in Africa which is develop Donald Horowitz and Antoine lema, Paul collier
- Political system in Africa also developed by Staffan Lindberg and E. Gyimah-Boadi Socio-economic development in a regional perspective developed by Amartya Sen, Jeffery Sachs, Van de Walle, Nicholas and others

1.7.2 CHAPTER THREE

This chapter deals with a brief history of Cameroon, its colonial inheritance and origin of the Anglophone problem. I will also look at the various ways in which the Anglophones are marginalized that is socio-economically as well as the reasons for this marginalization

1.7.3 CHAPTER FOUR

In this chapter, I will present general actions carryout so far by Anglophones to try stopping this marginalization and what they are doing today. I will look in detail on the methods and approach that Anglophone parties like the Social Democratic Front (SDF), All Anglophone Conference (AAC), and Southern Cameroon Youth League (SCYL), the Anglophone Diaspora have taken so far to resolve the marginalization problem and also evaluate the methods and approaches taken by all these parties based on practical principles, strategies used by the government to neutralize the Anglophone identity, I will look at the success and failures of these methods.

1.7.4 CHAPTER FIVE

This chapter will be general conclusion and prospects for a solution to the Anglophone problem. How the obstacles to equal status between Anglophones and Francophone’s can be addressed

1.8 LITERATURE REVIEW

I think in social science, research is the key to understand clearly what has been done before so as to bring your contribution. This is the case with the Anglophone problem in Cameroon and according to Boote and Beile (2005) a substantive and thorough, sophisticated research so in other to understand what has gone before and what to add to the gaps. Other authors have written on the Anglophone problem like Michael Ndobegang, in his book “ Divide in Cameroon; Diagnosis of National Disconnection” ,the author gives a brief history how the territory Cameroon got her name and how the scramble of Cameroon by European powers like Britain, France and Germany(Ngoh,2000). Germany succeeded in annexing the territory and was defeated and the territory partition between Britain and France as mandated territories under the League of Nations and as trusteeship territory under the United Nations.

The author further talks about the independence of both territories and how a Federal Republic was set up with two states; West Cameroon former southern Cameroon and East Cameroon former La Republique du Cameroun (Bongfen 1976, Ngoh 2004). And how in 1972, the federal arrangement was cancelled through a nationwide referendum which paved way to a centralized state, put in place and in 1984 change to “The Republic of Cameroon” which was French Cameroon had at independence. This later galvanize the Anglophone nationalism who felt the intolerant and hypocritical altitude of our Francophone brothers arising from a breach of trust on the part of the dominant and domineering francophone leadership and from a lack of openness in matters of public interest. The Anglophone went further holding conferences in Buea and Bamenda to discuss on the Anglophone problem and that the government should comply or the former British territory of southern Cameroon will secede from La Republique.

From my own point of view, I agreed with the author on his point he put forth, not because I am an Anglophone from Cameroon simply because it is the reality, so I can be a witness, haven studied in a so called bilingual university with 80% of my courses taught in French instead of a 50% just to name that. Furthermore, less have been written down by the French authors about the Anglophone problem meaning they are not interested and looks at it as minor and in another angle that it might encourage the Anglophones to stage more pressure and can lead to secession which is not welcome and to them Anglophone nationalist have over exaggerated how much Francophones have benefited from the regime of Ahidjo and Biya but acknowledges the fact of bad governance

The author just listed out points towards my objective of study but didn’t develop it, so I use this advantage to complete that gap. The author Michael Ndobegang obtains his masters and PhD degree in African History from Boston University. He is a senior lecturer in History at the Advance Teacher Training College of the University of Yaoundé I. He has also saved as a member of parliament of the opposition SDF in Cameroon national assembly.

The consequences of the first world war with the presence of French and the British in Cameroon has had a great impact on the post-colonial Cameroon as Mufor Atanga, in his book title “The Anglophone Cameroon Predicament “first of all brings out the historical settings on how the territory was colonize and further the consequences of the First World War to the colonial development of Cameroon (le vine 1964:34). And talks also about the nature of colonialism and its influence in the Cameroons both British and French and brings out the different approaches by each of them and gives its implication for both political developments in the Cameroons constitutional development.

The author later develops the issue of independence and reunification and the Foumban conference which belts a federal republic and soon took another dimension to a one party state and later to unitary state (Eyongetah and Brian 1994:17; Johnson 1970a:69).and also gives the impact of unitary state to the west Cameroon communications, road infrastructure development and decline of west Cameroon economy

From the work of the Mofor Atanga, I agree with his view points to back his arguments and most famous is also the chronology of his work. Then his problematic was straight forward, understandable and his research question were realistic. To better understand the author, his theoretical framework was undisputable because he defines key words and made it easier to understand. From the research work of Mofor Atanga, he does not really made mention of the imbalance status Cameroons development between West and East, he spoke less and didn’t specify on it. That is where my own work will come in to fill the gap on how marginalization has played a great role to the Anglophone problem on secession.

During the 1990s with the advent of democracy in Cameroon, the Anglophones made their voices heard after years of silence as a result of the non-respect of the Foumban conference binding both Anglophone and Francophone when constituting the federal state as Piet Konings and Francis B. Nyamnjoh, in their research work entitle “Negotiating an Anglophone Identity: A case study of the politics of recognitions representation in Cameroon”, illustrate many problems by beginning with the political liberalization and mobilization of Anglophone identity whereby discussing the post-colonial nation state project in Cameroon (cf. Mc Garry and O’ Leary 1993; Rothchild 1997; Zonnong and Mouiche 1997). The construction of an Anglophone identity and the reconfiguration of state power, described by the authors that Southern Cameroons road to reunification and federation, is the emergence of nationalism and reunification ideas in Southern Cameroons, the 1961 United Nations plebiscite and the Foumban conference.

Furthermore, the authors describe the development of an Anglophone consciousness during the federal, one party state and unitary state, 1961-1972. The authors elaborate how Anglophones struggles for a return to the federal state or secession during political liberalization, 1992-2002. The growth of Anglophone organization, Anglophone struggle for constitutional reforms and Anglophone diplomatic offensive and lastly , the authors put factors on the present strategy put in place by the regime to deconstruct the Anglophone identity(Eyoh 1998a:262). I still hold this strong affirmation not because am an Anglophone Cameroonian but just being realistic, from the authors point of view their analyses and also the chronology of their work , but what is lacking in this work is not the call for concern on the socio-economic development which is the gap I want to fill in this researches work

Nicodemus Fru Awasom, in his book title “Towards Historicizing the Ossification of Colonial Identities in Africa: the Anglophone/Francophone Divide in Post-Colonial Cameroon”, gives a colonial background of Cameroon from Portuguese to the Germans and then British and French. He went further to explain the British Cameroons as part of Nigeria and the quest for Cameroonian autonomy and identity. Again the author also specify on the difficult entente between Anglophones and Francophone statesmen to the end of the first republic. The author talks about the difficulties of the second republic and the rise of Anglophone secessionist ideologies and illustrate the circumstances leading to the proclamation of Southern Cameroons independence and talks about the Africanized of the Anglophone and Francophone.

1.8.1 Definition of key terms

Again to better understand the literature, am going to look at secession which can be seen as the act of withdrawing from an organization, union or especially a political entity. Secessionist minority can also be seen as groups that reject assimilation and promote coexistence and pluralism. Secession is a word that brings fear to nations. It reeks of conflict, violence and instability. It is also a measure of last resort and sometimes brings hope to minorities that are in despair and who feel permanently excluded from policy making, and this is the case with Cameroon were Frenchification is a tag applied to policies aimed at dismantling the Anglo-Saxon heritage and way of life of the Anglophones minority in Cameroon. The cultural debate brings us to yet another perspective taken up by Walter G Nkwi questions and strategies of the regime to douse the identity issue and a politics of belonging that classifies Cameroonians into autochthones (natives) and allogene (settlers) where ever they are. It is claimed that it is to protect minorities.

On a wider content looking at exploitation of minerals and its consequences especially in the African continent has led to a battle field. The exploitation of mineral resources by major super powers has call for concern as we should ask ourselves why other natural resource countries especially in the Middle East are more prosperous and those from Africa have been and are still battle zones which have resulted to instability. Sierra Leone with its notorious blood diamonds, the Democratic Republic of Congo have been blighted by the stigma of conflict minerals (Jegarajah, 2012). Furthermore, the major powers in some way are at the forefront of these dispute in order to destabilized the continent and use the advantage to exploit more to the detriment of the country and inhabitance of that region as they see development not coming their way and begin to question government competence and at certain level seeks for secession and that is the case with DR Congo and the Katanga region in the 1970s, Nigeria and the Biafra war of 1967 to 1970 and not forgetting Cameroon which is my case study with its secession tendency as the Southern Cameroons through the Southern Cameroon National Council (SCNC) seeks better developmental conditions.

According to reports, global energy consumption is estimated to rise by 2 per cent annually, this has created competition for access to large energy reserves which only grow more in the years to come and this has push the major powers now shifting their strategic geography in a new emphasis on the protection of supplies of vital resources especially oil and natural gas. This shows the importance of natural resources especially oil to the extend which the national security council observed in a White House’s 1999 annual report on United State security policy, that the US will continue to have a vital interest in ensuring access to foreign oil supplies(Klare 2001).

On the other hand, we should put in mind that to better understand what my research work is all about the term ethnicity needs to be explained. There is no specific definition of the word as it has been changing with time and after studying and revising the definition of the word from other authors and text books Timothy Baumann (2004), see ethnicity as belonging to the same membership of in a culturally and geographically defined group that may share language, cultural practices, religion or other aspects for examples Bantu, Kurdish and Italian. At times people of the same race can belong to different ethnicities. For example Asians can be Japanese, Koreans, and Chinese, Thailand or other ethnicities. This definition also meets up with that of the United Nations. From this definition it will better explain as I elaborate the Anglophone problem in Cameroon.

Furthermore, we should not forget Cameroon is a state and to clearly understand what the Anglophone problem is all about, we need to look what really is a state and why do people from different ethnicity lived in the same state. The word sate is often used in different ways in a common parlance; it has also been used as a synonym of society, nation or government but in the case of Political Science and to better understand what is the meaning of state we shall analyze different definitions of state by different authors according to Arvind Kumar (2011), it was towards the sixteenth century that the French philosopher Bodin called state a “Republic”, from his thinking a state possessed sovereign power while British philosopher Hobbes during the seventeenth century, argued that the state had unlimited power.

And from Aristotle’s definition, a state is a union of families and villages having for its end a perfect and self-sufficient life which we mean happy and honorable life. Meanwhile Harold Laski defines state as a territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions.

From this definition we ask ourselves if Cameroon meets up with this definition and question the government in place if it plays its role to protect its citizens and why does the Anglophones in Cameroon feels like second class citizens and because of this I try to bring possible solutions and looking where the government is failing to carry out its duties.

Again, we need to understand what is the meaning of the word minorities as is the case with Anglophones in Cameroon and according the United Nations declaration in article 1 (1992) states that “ Minorities are based on national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity and provides that states should protect their existence. And still under the United Nations sub-commission on prevention of discrimination and protection of minorities special reporter Francesco Capototti defined minorities as; a group of people numerically inferior to the rest of the population of the state, in a dominant position whose members being nationals of the sate possess ethnic, linguistic or religious characteristics differing from those of the rest of the population and show if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity towards preserving their culture, traditions religion or language.

Furthermore, the minorities here are the Anglophone so it’s important to know really who is an Anglophone. According to Houghton Aifflin (2009), an Anglophone is English speaking person especially one in a country where two or more languages are spoken. Meanwhile in Cameroon Anglophones are those who occupy the two regions that were under British colonial mandate. These regions use English language because they inherited from the colonial rule. Politically these two regions are treated as one and are often placed on the same ethnic level with ethnic groups like the Bulu’s, Douala’s and Basaas.

1.9 Conclusion

The literature here talks about history of Cameroon before and during colonization, couple with key definitions which will help build our understanding of the Anglophone problem in order to facilitate negotiations for both parties

CHAPTER TWO THE THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Introduction

The theories below from the first part explains the ethnic relationship and its history in Africa which is a very complicated one because of the many ethnic groups in states and Africa as a whole and also how ethnic relations has been at the forefront of many problems in Africa. Furthermore, Africa political systems are not well structured which has led not only to civil wars but also marginalization of minority groups and lastly we should take note of the importance of development in any society because underdeveloped society will cause instability and development should be carried out equitably as will be explain below, Because all these explains the Anglophone problem in Cameroon.

This research will use the following theories:

-Ethnic Relations and its history in Africa
-Political systems in Africa
-Socio-economic development in a regional perspective

2.2 Ethnic relations and its history in Africa

Ethnic crisis is a worldwide issue and in one country to the other, political parties, pressure groups, trade unions, armed forced etc. are organized ethnically. Ethnic identity is strongly felt and behavior based on ethnicity is normatively sanctioned, and usually accompanied by hostility towards out-groups. In divided societies, ethnic crisis is always at the center of politics, and ethnic division poses challenges to the cohesion of states and sometimes to peaceful relation among states (Horowitz 1985:7-8). He also makes mention that Ethnic conflict strains the bonds that sustain civility and is often at the main cause of violence that results in deaths, homelessness and the flight of large number of people.

Horowtiz (1985:4) looks back the origin of ethnic conflicts. He explains that ethnic conflict is a recurrent phenomenon in histories which are often revived by war time experiences or emerge after a war, like in the first and Second World War and even with the termination of colonial rule in Africa and Asia. He also makes mention of the fact these ethnic conflict or movements that sought independence from colonial powers were not always wholly representatives of all the ethnic groups in their territories. Groups that were not wholly represented always try to slow down the march to independence or even tried to form a separate state. Some groups moved to succeed the power of the former colonialist, others fought for their self-determination as they think it was incomplete as they had not achieved their own independence (Horowitz 1985:4)

Horowitz (1985) also elaborate on the fact that Europeans drew arbitrary lines and territorial boundaries on maps to favor their interest, neglecting the effects and consequences it had on ethnic groups. As a result of this some ethnic groups were divided between territories and why others too were included in the same territories alongside others whom they had little in common. That is why around the time of African independence, there was the talk of “artificiality of territorial boundaries” imposed by the colonial masters ethnic conflict have always been blame on the colonial powers because of these artificial and undecided territorial boundaries which they drew across ethnic groups (Horowitz 1985:75).

On the other hand Antoine Lema 1993:22 proposes that ethnicity theories are not homogenous. He separates them into two competing and contrasting school of thoughts, the primordial’s who believe that ethnic groups are based on primordial sentiments of solidarity and also will continue into the modern and post modern states and the modernist who believe that ethnic groups will disappear with modernization because social mobilization was conceived as an overall process of change, where people move from traditional to modern ways of life. These include changes in literacy level, residence from rural to urban and occupation from agriculture to non-agriculture and intermarriages between different ethnic groups. Which means that ethnic groups will disappear as time goes and thus, the world will become one global place where peace and development will exist (Antoine Lema 1993:22)?

Nkwi and Socpa 1997 in their article “Ethnicity and Party Politics in Cameroon” trace the roots of ethnicity in Cameroon. It is stated that Cameroon has a distinct regional, cultural, religious, and political traditions as well as ethnic variety. They mention too that before colonization, Cameroon was a land of diverse zones populated with variety of people, after the colonial masters left, the relationship changed due to the Anglophone claiming they are being marginalized by their Francophone counterparts. In the 1884, Cameroon became a German protectorate (Kamerun). They were defeated by the British and the French troops in 1916, and the territory was partition between those nations in 1916. In 1922, the French and British zones became League of Nations mandates, with the French in control of about 80 percent of the national territory.

They stated that the frontier between the French and the British zones cut through the territories of several ethnic groups, particularly the Bamileke and Grass field’s people of the western highlands. This later served as an impetus for the reunification of those zones at the time of independence. The division of the country into British and French League of Nations mandate after the World War I created Anglophone and Francophone regions and this division has created what has become known today as the “ Anglophone problem “ because the Anglophones who are the minority are complaining of being marginalized by their Francophones counterparts (Nkwi and Socpa 1997)

Horowitz (1985:22) ethnic discrimination occurs more likely where regional ethnic schemes are implemented, thus an assumption may grow that, members of a particular ethnic group have no claims to work in the central government or anyway outside their region because they are not of the same ethnic group as the leader of their country. He also gives the impression with an example from Ghana where many people expect favorable treatments from the hands of bureaucrats belonging to their own ethnic group and unfavorable treatment at the hands of bureaucrats belonging to other ethnic groups.

Horowitz (1985) also indicate the concepts superiors and subordinates in his book, saying that in study after study, it has been assumed that ethnic relations are relations between superiors and subordinates. He adds that many Sociologists have developed a sort of pathos for minority groups as “victims”, conceptualizing the relations between subordinate and dominant groups in such a way that the former are invariably oppressed and exploited. Also the competition for scares values and material goods is exactly what propels people to see themselves as members of distinct groups (Horowitz 1985).

Antoine Lema (1993:29) on his part uses the concept of ethnicity as an attribute that designates a people’s particular sense of identity and also solidarity, just as the concept of nationality. He went further to indicate that “a strong sense of ethnic identity is difficult to maintain without strong family ties.” This includes marriage within the groups.

2.2.1 Mechanisms needed for conflict reduction

Horowitz (1985:559) suggests some mechanisms of conflict reduction; the four mechanisms are as follows:

1) By spreading the points of power so as to take some heat off a single focal point, i.e. scattering power among institutions at the center
2) Ethnic conflicts may be reduced by policies that create incentives for inter ethnic cooperation, but certain preferential and territorial arrangements may also do this.
3) It may also be reduced by policies that encourage alignments based on interests other than ethnicity.
4) Lastly by reducing inequality between groups so that dissatisfaction declines.”

Horowitz also mentions that “electoral principle, the number of members per constituency, and the structure of the ballot box all have a potential impact on ethnic alignment “(Horowitz 1985:601-622).

Whether and when secessionist movement will emerge is determined mainly by the domestic politics and by the relations of groups and regions within states. Today some Anglophones favor secession from Francophones of the east. They feel that their region is being dominated by Francophones and that they are insufficiently represented in government posts of responsibility. But it appears moves taken by Anglophone Movements towards secession have been strongly resisted by the central government.

2.3 Political systems in Africa

We should understand that, political systems in the world are formal processes by which decisions are made concerning the process for electing leaders, the roles and responsibilities of the executive and legislative, the organization of political representation (through political parties), and also the accountability of the state, couple with the use of production and distribution of natural resources in any given society. In the case of Africa, most leaders are dictators and consider them authoritarian and ultimate leaders who do not have to answer to anyone and with this method of operating, we are entitle to conflicts unless democratic methods are equitable for better improvements in Africa.

According to (Wondwosen 2008), many elections in Africa have failed to meet the international accepted standards for free and fair elections. The indicators for successful democratic elections include the following; free, fair and peaceful elections in which the opposition parties participate and the outcome of elections are acceptable to all parties, but in the case of Africa most elections have not been successful because most leaders are greedy and selfish with power and since they are in control, they rig the elections to remain in power rather than to surrender and give space for another leader (Wondwosen 2008).

Staffan Lindberg (2003:1-2) after detail studies elaborate and comes out with a more advanced and modern definition of democracy as “ one which includes participatory and contested elections, perceived as the legitimate procedure for the translation of rule by the people into workable executive and legislative power”. In his definition he strikes out three dependent variables namely: participation, competition and legitimacy as qualities of good democratic elections which helps facilitate institution and deepening of civil liberties in society as a causal variable in democratization. Furthermore, he adds by saying that elections foster liberalization and have a self reinforcing power that promotes democracy in African political regimes.

Meanwhile, according to Taylor (1994), the principal point of focus about liberal democracy sees individuals as entitle to “govern” their own lives, within limits connected primarily with the mutual recognition and equal opportunities for all. Furthermore, Lindberg (2003:47) elaborate by suggesting that “at the core of the democratic government system is the principle that the people select representatives who govern them and are held accountable for their actions”. He also thinks that electoral way as one of the options of choosing leadership and disposing of old government in a political system. As a core institution of representative democracy, elections are supposedly the only means to decide who holds legislative and executive power respectively (Lindberg (2003:47). Lindberg rounds up his argument by insisting that “election do only signify democracy, but what breeds democratic qualities are self reinforcing and self-improving quality of repetitive elections” (Lindberg 2003: 179).

Lindberg concludes in his argument by insisting that “we should note that elections do not really signify democracy, but what breeds democratic qualities are self reinforcing and self-improving quality of repetitive elections” (Lindberg:2003-33). It should also be noted that, his analysis shows that regime survival in Africa has little to do with the level or rate of economic development otherwise with more breakdowns we should witness poorer countries with negative economic development, to have only short sequence of elections. He also supports the theory that a strong and active civil society is the outcome of liberalization and electoral practice and not their cause (Lindberg 2003:179).

Gyimah-Boadi (2004:104), elaborates on some key issues on developments in democracy in Africa as well as its limits. In contrast to Lindberg, he argues that civil society has contributed significantly to African democratization and that it must overcome many internal and external obstacles and deficiencies if African democracy wants to be effective and sustainable. He mentions the role some of these developmental NGOs have emerged to complete the gap in meeting the social and economic needs of marginalized groups arising from breakdowns of state and traditional social support systems. Furthermore, Gyimah-Boadi (2004:125-278) says concerning the concept of corruption as an impediment to development and how the effect of corruption has been translated into political instability, frequent regime changes and unstable economic investment environment and the consequence is slowing the consolidation of participatory governance in the region.

2.4 Socio-economic development in a regional perspective

Development is defined as a “ process which enables human beings to realize their potentials, build self confidence and lead lives of dignity and fulfillment”, and that it frees people from the fear of want and exploitation and aims at enlarging peoples choices which include access to income, employment opportunities, education, health and a clean and safe environment. Each individual should have the opportunity to participate fully in his community by participating in decisions making and implementing of these decision (Rist 2006: 9).

When development takes place, it is intended to move our societies from a situation in which they are believe to be worse off to situations in which they assumed to be better off. The reason why human beings are most happy and productive when they enjoy freedom of mind and body and this can be achieved in the atmosphere of peace and stability (Human development report 2004). Furthermore, the report elaborates that human development is first and foremost about allowing people enjoy and to lead the kind of lives they choose and at the same time providing them with tools and opportunities to make those choices. This means that social, economic and political development all depends on human development to accomplish the process of national development. The idea is that unless the poor and marginalized can influence political action at local and national level because they are unlikely to get equitable access to jobs, education, health, justice and other basic services and I believe regional development is an easy means to achieve national development.

Real freedom that people enjoy can expand regional development in Cameroon and this may be achieved by removal of major source of unfreedoms like tyranny as well as poverty, and also poor economic opportunities as well as systematic social deprivation, not forgetting over activity of repressive states (Sen 1999:3) and page 8-10 of same book, he defines socio-economic development in its broader sense as “An integrated process of expansion of substantive freedoms interconnecting with one another.” We should note that if these regions which are less economically developed or privileged are provided with political and socio-economic freedom of speech, facilities and opportunities then these areas will gain regional development as well as national development.

Sachs (2005:56) in his own part insist that the most common explanation for why countries fail to achieve economic growth often focuses on the faults of poor and poverty is a results of corrupt leadership and retrograde culture that impede modern development. He goes further by outlining the fact that, failure of government is a good reason for persistent poverty. Growth may enrich households linked to good market opportunities, but it may bypass the poorest even within same community. This can happen because they are part of a particular ethnic or religious minority (Sachs 2005:56). Sachs mention(2005:213) that in other to fight and reduce poverty by half by 2015 as the Millennium Development Goal states, each country should adopt a Poverty Reduction Strategy by major policy shifts at national and international levels, to boost growth and development in the region.

2.5 Conclusion

These theories above will be used to analyze the later part of this essay and they help give a better understanding the Anglophone problem and possible solution to this problem in Cameroon. Cameroon is made up of many ethnic groups spreading all over the ten regions of the country and just two of these regions compose of the Anglophone who feels because of their minority status, they are marginalized and not politically represented. They also complain that their regions are neglected in terms of social and economic development. This has led to some conflicts in the past making Anglophones to threaten secession. Furthermore, Horowitz has come up with some important mechanisms in his book theoretically which can be apply to avoid and reduce a conflict situation. In addition to that, Lindberg on his part has proposed democracy as an essential factor of government to govern its citizens. This is so because it guarantees periodic and contested elections and people through participation can rule indirectly over them. This has also been supported by other authors above and lastly, Sen, Van de Walle looks at freedom and regional socio-economic development as a better means to improve economic growth in all parts of the country and reduce marginalization.

CHAPTER THREE HISTORY OF CAMEROON AND ORIGIN OF THE PROBLEM

3.1 Introduction

The problem in Cameroon today between the Anglophone and Francophone community can be explained back from the colonization of Cameroon. The history of Cameroon is a complicated one because of the many colonial masters that took control of the territory and each of them inflicting it’s on rule during their term of control and this played a great impact to the Cameroon history especially negatively as families were divided creating conflicts. Later when Cameroon gain independence things didn’t change and problems were not solve instead creating tension among groups and this has been the case of Anglophone and Francophone as one group thinks they are marginalized by the other group. Through this study of brief history we can understand the problem and from there solutions are proposed for the future.

3.2 A Brief history of Cameroon

The history of Cameroon is very important in this study because it is through this that we will have the knowledge about the origin of the Anglophone problem and this is far back as during the post colonial period, thus proving a brief history will give us a clear understanding of how this problem started.

Delancey and Mbella (2000) mention a brief history of Cameroon from a “Historical dictionary of the Republic of Cameroon”, that the Portuguese were the first non Africans on Csmeroons’coast zone in the 1500s, but malaria disease disturb most European explorers, settlements and conquest of the interior until the late 1870s, this was so because large supplies of malaria suppressant, quinine were available. The Portuguese in Cameroon were involved in coastal trade and acquisition of slaves but slave trade was largely suppressed by the mid-19 century when the Christian missionaries established their presence and continue their religious activities in Cameroon (Delancey and Mbella 2000).

Furthermore, Nkwi and Sopca (1997), mentioned during the period of scramble over Africa in 1884, Cameroon became a German colony and the imperial German government made great and important investments in the infrastructure of Cameroon, which concerns the building of hospitals, schools, railways and plantations. The Germans instigated harsh and forced labor because the indigenous population proved reluctant to work on these projects. Further, they mention the defeat of the Germans in Cameroon by Britain and France during the World War 1, in 1914 and took over Cameroon as a mandated territory over and later as trusteeship territory under the United Nations.

Cameroon was later split into two parts with France gaining a larger portion while Britain received a stripe bordering Nigeria from the sea to Lake Chad. This was the base of the foundation laid down for the creation of two identities and the population of each identity sees themselves as distinct community, because of their differences in language and also inheritance as concerns colonial tradition (Nkwi and Sopca 1997). This is also a consequence of colonial rule in Africa as Horowitz (1985) mention as a consequence of colonialism, territorial boundaries were drawn to suit their interests, heedless of the effects it had on ethnic groups.

The Francophones were drastically favored during the constitutional draft because according to Awasom (2000) the Francophone elites had a strong support from the French during the negotiations in the 1950s before independence, meanwhile the Anglophone elites on their part were drastically abandoned by the British because the British never supported the reunification with French Cameroon and preferred joining Nigeria so that it will be easy to administered both territories since Nigeria was also their colony. This can tell you at what extend the Anglophones will be marginalized in the federation. At the end of colonial rule in Cameroon, French Cameroon was more advanced in terms of development than British Cameroon because much capital was invested in Cameroon by the French making them to have a higher per capita income, better health care, higher education not forgetting infrastructures, henceforth more developed and better off than the British Cameroon.

Delancey and Mbella (2000), the Union of the People of Cameroon (UPC) party stage an armed struggle for independence in French Cameroon which they later achieved in 1960 as Republque du Cameroun. The following year, on October 1 1961 , the Muslims of northern part of British Cameroon voted to join Nigeria, while the Christians from the south voted to join the Republic of Cameroun and this led to the creation of the Federal Republic of Cameroon meaning that the former French and British territories each maintaining substantial autonomy. Ahmadou Ahidjo was chosen from the north to lead the country.

But in 1972, a new constitution was put in place which saw the elimination of the Federal state and given place for the United Republic of Cameroon. President Ahidjo step down in 1982 and gave way to his successor who was prime minister and came from the south region of Cameroon in the name of Mr. Paul Biya. Ahidjo later felt disappointed and regretted his choice as successor but his supporters failed to overthrow Biya in a 1984 coup. Biya has remained in power, winning multiparty elections in 1992, 1997, 2004, and lastly in 2011. His Cameroon people’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) party holds a sizeable majority in the legislature (Delancey and Mbella 2000). Many observers claim that the results were rigged.

3.3 Colonial inheritance of Cameroon

This part explains my hypothesis on the issue of inheritance which started with the Berlin colonial conference where not only Cameroon was involve but the entire continent dividing ethnic groups and partitioning territories among the Western powers Tongkeh (2009) He said during the Berlin conference of 1884-85 the Western nations decided to peacefully partition Africa during the period of the so called “Scramble for Africa”. There Cameroon was peacefully handed to Germany because of British reluctant ambition over Cameroon despite several appeals from the local coastal chiefs of this territory. Germany then used this advantage of British reluctance and signed the Germano-Douala treaty of 1884 which gave her the access into the interior of Cameroon then called Kamerun. He further adds that after World War I, Germany was defeated thus losing all its African territories to the victorious power and this was settled at the Versailles Treaty.

These territories were allocated to the victorious powers and their allies under a system of League of Nations “mandates” whereby the victorious powers would administer the former German colonies as mandates on behalf of the League of Nation (Tongkeh 2009). He further says that, German Kamerun was split into two “Cameroons” between Britain and France with each country attaching its own part to the existing colonial empire. French and British entry into Cameroon implied the institutionalization of two new European colonial cultures and these two cultures were to determine the bi-cultural nature of the society in its various aspects, policies and sectors when it became independent. In the French part of its territory, the colonial policy of ‘assimilation” was adopted while the British used “indirect rule” (Tongkeh).

3.3.1 Consequences

Konde (2009) expatiate on the consequences of colonial rule in Africa and Cameroon in particular. He outlines the outcome of more than 75 years (1884-1916 of European colonial domination in Cameroon has given rise to alienation of indigenous cultural norms, the permanence of colonial institutions, and the inability to revise the outdated colonial inheritance to reflect the social, political and economic realities of contemporary Cameroon. He mention the fact that for decades after attaining independence in 1960, Cameroon’s colonial influence is still pervasive to the point that the tendency is to perpetually look outward for models of political organization. The Francophones looks to France while the Anglophones to Britain. And that it is as a result of this dual inheritance which is acting as a hindrance to national integration. Through the agency of colonialism, the colonial masters have utilized the weapon of “cultural alienation” in Cameroon to maintain their interest and foster divisions among Cameroonians (Konde 2009).

3.4 Origin of the Anglophone problem in Cameroon

From analysis, the Anglophone problem today originated far back the years of reunification of both Cameroons. The Anglophone elites had hoped a loose federal union as a way of protecting their territory’s minority status and cultural heritage; little did they know what was awaiting them. (Awasom 2000:1). He also mention that both leaders representing the territories respectively Ahmadou Ahidjo of French Cameroon and John Ngu Foncha of Southern Cameroons and the other representations of this territories planned a date to meet at a conference in Foumban on July 17 1961, to came up with constitution of the country.

The two Cameroon reunified had to sit and implement laws which were to govern them, and this conference took place in Foumban because is one of the largest native towns in Cameroon and found at the border of Anglophone and Francophone Cameroon. This town is compose of Muslims, Francophones and Anglophones so had no territorial advantage on any side, that’s why the constitution meeting was held there. The marginalization of Anglophone Cameroonians began after the Foumban constitutional conference of July 17 9161, which produced the federal constitution and went operational on the 1 of October 1961 (Ngoh 1996) but later changed by the former president Ahmadou Ahidjo in favor of him and his Francophone counterparts.

3.5 Terms of the Foumban constitutional conference which were not respected

The Foumban conference gives out clear reasons why the Anglophones feel dominated by the Francophones regarding terms of the Foumban conference which were not respected Konings and Nyamnjoh in their book “Negotiating an Anglophone Identity” (2003:44-48) outline some of the terms which were not respected and which are seen as the beginning of the Anglophone problem (marginalization).

Cameroon was name the Federal Republic of Cameroon, with East Cameroon and West Cameroon as its constituent states. In East Cameroon, the legislature was unicameral while in West Cameroon, the House of Chiefs was added. This clause was changed in May 1972, a new constitution was drafted by Ahidjo where he abolished the Federal system and replaced it with a highly centralized unitary state with broad political power vested in the position of the president.

Furthermore, the official languages was to be French and English but to the consternation of the Anglophones, the final version of the constitution in the unitary state appeared to deny the equal status of both languages, stipulating in article 59 that the revised constitution shall be published in French and English, but with the French text being authentic.

Again equal citizenship, as proposed by the Southern Cameroonian delegation was rejected by Ahidjo but eventually agreed to insert a clause into the constitution, affirming the Federal adherence to the fundamental freedoms set in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter of the (UN article 1)

This constitution created a presidential regime at the unitary level, in contrast to the Anglophone proposal; Instead Ahidjo outline in the new constitution that the president of the republic was to be an active and powerful chief rather than a figure head. He was to be head of state, armed forces and was not accountable to the legislature for his actions. He also appointed ministers, governors, judges and high level civil servants who were entirely dependent on his favor to remain in office.

Again, Ahidjo persuaded the Southern Cameroonians to join his party and form a one and only party called (UNC) Union Nationale Camerounaise. This single party was formed in September 1966, and was able to penalize any Anglophone leader who remained committed to Federalism. On May 6 1972 and also when further to announced in the National Assembly that he intended to transform the Federal Republic into a unitary state on the 20 of May, thereby abrogating clause 1 article 47 of the Foumban constitution which impairs the unity and integrity of the Federation shall be inadmissible. And this went by to be amended and done without passing through a referendum, because clause 3 article 47 stipulated that “proposals for revision shall be adopted by simple majority vote of the members of the Federal assembly, provided such majority includes a majority of representatives of each of the federated states” (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003:46).

This new constitution that was laid down, was a system different significantly to the one Foncha had promised Southern Cameroonians. What made them angrier was the moment Ahidjo decided to submit the final constitution for final approval to a constituent assembly composed of Francophones and Anglophones representatives. Ahidjo used his power to control the negotiations, accepting only those suggestions and amendments of the Anglophone delegation that posed no threats to his well prepared draft constitution. Horowitz sees the relation between subordinate and dominant groups as a common phenomenon in divided societies and criticizes it because the subordinates are invariably oppressed and exploited.

We should also note that contrary to the Anglophone expectations, the new terms of the constitution did not create an equal partnership between the two parties which could preserve the cultural heritage and identity of the Anglophone minority. It merely proved a transitional phase in the total integration of the Anglophone region into a strongly centralized, unitary state. It was noted that, the final version of the constitution also left no room for legal secession from the federation, although some Southern Cameroonians had wanted a provision into the constitution sanctioning peaceful withdrawals from the federation (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003:48).

The Anglophones felt their regional loss of autonomy and their position as second class in the unitary state because they claim that the marginalization did not end after the Foumban constitutional conference but has continued till today. Below the following paragraphs are points elaborating on how Anglophones have been marginalized. Their numerous grievances are mainly of political, economic and social factors which shall be analyze below. But I shall base my explanation on the socio-economic only.

3.6.1 Economic Discrimination

The economic aspect of this discrimination is relative to underdevelopment of the region which explains that, mindful of the fact that this region is rich in resources, particularly oil discovery in 1973 off the coast of western Cameroon (Konings 1993). He goes further by explaining that, the oil public corporation SONARA is predominantly staffed by Francophones, even though the oil exploitation, production and transformation take place in Anglophone Cameroon. Again, the oil-derived revenues and taxes are paid to the state directly in Yaoundé in Francophone area (Konings 1993). This has created a particular consciousness among the Anglophones who now feel they are been recolonized and marginalized thus looked at as second class citizens of their own country Bayart (1993).

Furthermore, we also notice that the Anglophone Cameroonians felt the effects of the country’s withdrawal from the Common Wealth preferences for certain export products from their area. Famers who exported their banana products to Britain were greatly affected (Konings 1993). Again, Konings 1993 mentions that, the opening of the road and rail links and removal of customs barriers between East and West has meant in effect the shall be rapid decline of the West Cameroon’s two main ports, Victoria and Tiko, and the growth of Douala port in the Francophone East.

(Konings 1996), in another line, mention that the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) is the largest and one of the oldest agro-industrial enterprises in the country found in the South West. The CDC is the second largest employer of labor after the government and specializes in variety of crops like rubber, tea, banana and palm oil. This is very important to regional development and is largely credited with whatever socioeconomic development has occurred in Anglophone Cameroon. This has also help to see the building of school, hospitals, supply water, construction of roads and also created employment. As such it has been called the economic life-line of Anglophone Cameroon (Konings 1996). Kholi (2004) on his part looks at the role and function of the state in executing different rates of economic development precisely through rapid industrialization. This is so because, the state takes and implements decisions on how a country’s resources and its labor force should be positioned for its industries. Thus as this enterprise was growing successfully, the Anglophone community expected to see great expansion and development of the area but instead it was the reverse. The government announcement of the privatization of this important agro-industrial enterprise in 1994 was shocking news to the Anglophone population and promoted vehement protests actions among the Anglophone Cameroonians, who saw this as major form of marginalization, considering the fact that the enterprise has been doing quite well despite the economic crisis and was offering them so much (Konings 1996:206-212).

There was a united front to resist the government’s decision, this came from existing parties, associations and pressure groups. Thus there were strong protests marches organized by Anglophone movements condemning privatization of the C.D.C making the Biya regime to withdraw its decision on the C.D.C privatization (Konings 1996:206-212).

3.6.2 Discrimination in Education and Training

As mention by Bouddih Adams (2006), Anglophones faces discriminative acts in Cameroon concerning admission into professional schools and other institutions of higher learning, notably the National School of Administration and Magistracy (ENAM) where the Anglophone section have been abolished, and Higher Teachers Training College (ENS). According to him there is no consistency and continuity between the education the Anglophone children are given at the primary and secondary levels and the oriented-French education dispensed in the national institutions of higher learning. Thus he adds that Anglophone youths are force to travel abroad at great financial cost to them and to their families in search of higher education, which is of good quality and consistent with their basic education Bouddih (2006).

Something unexpected happen in September 1983, the minister of National Education promulgated an order modifying the Anglophone General Certificate of Education (GCE) examination by making it similar to the Baccalaureate, the French system of examination in Cameroon (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003:117). According to the minister, this will facilitate Anglophone student’s entry into this institution because it is exclusively based on French system. They state that the Anglophones students insisted that this problem of exclusion from professional and institute could be solved only by the creation of institutes based on English system (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003:117).

According to these authors Konings and Nyamnjoh (2003), there is unbalance concerning the television and programs on the national television? So the Anglophones have concluded that from the content and language of the programs, the Cameroon Radio and Television (CRTV) is meant for Francophones only (Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003:128)

3.7 Conclusion

Looking at all the above points and many others have elaborated has made most of the Anglophones to favor federalism and later secession from Francophone of the East. They have in mind that the Western region is being dominated by the East and they are insufficiently represented in government positions and think that the government has not protected their right. One of the vital reasons put forward by Horowitz is to reduce inequality within ethnic groups so that dissatisfaction may decline.

CHAPTER FOUR ACTIONS CARRIED OUT BY THE ANGLOPHONES TO SLOVE THE MARGINALIZATION

4.1 Introduction

Nyamnjoh (1996) indicates that the political liberalization of the 1990s came as a result of considerable internal and external pressures that made the Cameroon government to introduced a greater measure of political liberalization, and in December 1990, it was announced the advent of multiparty system as well as certain degree of freedom of mass communication and associations not forgetting the holding of public meetings and demonstrations. The consequences of this led to the creation of several political parties, pressure groups, and private newspapers were established in Cameroon which began to express and represent Anglophone interest (Nyamnjoh 1996:38). It is thanks to this coming of liberalization that the Anglophones used the opportunity to create and reactivate several organizations for the representation and defense of their governance (Tornquist 1999: 97). “In the pursuit for itself autonomy and self determination, they engaged in sensitization campaigns to inform the Anglophone about their objectives and strategies and to mobilize it for action against the Francophone dominated unitary state” (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 76). This was done by the creation of several political parties and pressure groups like the SDF, ACC, SCNC and the SCYL, whose activities has been analyzed below.

4.2 Social Democratic Front (SDF)

It is not a surprising issue that the opposition party originated from the Anglophone region because of the suppression of Anglophones in Cameroon according to Takougang and Krieger (1998), because of the Anglophone frustration over the Francophone dominated state, it is not surprising that the first opposition party appeared in Anglophone Cameroon in the 1990 known as the Social Democratic Front (SDF). This party was formed in Bamenda the capital of the North West region and members were demanding for the liberalization of political space and capitalizing on popular frustration among Anglophones following three decades of marginalization. In the same line the S.D.F chairman by name John Fru Ndi was a popular figure then because of his courage and style of leadership (Takougang and Krieger 1998: 105). As mentioned above, the launching of the S.D.F party, ended up in the death of six young Anglophones but the state-control media tried to deny government responsibility for this bloody event and this led to both domestic and international condemnation (Nyamnjoh 1996:26-27). We should also note that, in the past years scholars have experience the difficulties of opposition parties functioning in Africa because being an opposition party is a dangerous pursuit due to imprisonments, harassments, murder of opposing politicians and even censorship (Wondwosen 2009:2). Wondwosen has take note as he explains that even after the introduction of the so called multiparty politics in the 1990s, opposition parties are forced to function under severe political constraints imposed by the elected but authoritarian government.

According Wondwosen (2008) there have never really been an election free, fair and peaceful in Africa acceptable to all parties and this is so because once in power, the leaders of the new nation state become very greedy and selfish with power and since they are in control, they rig the elections to remain there rather than to give space for another leader.

The SDF on its part have adopted a rather ambivalent attitude towards calls from new pressure groups for a return to a federal state because it increasingly presented itself as a national party rather than an Anglophone party, thus the party started losing its initial appeal for English-speaking Cameroonians because of its half hearted stand as concerns the Anglophone problem (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:79). They also mention that as years went by, the SDF party continue to loose and drop in popularity from this point and chose to boycott the October 1997 presidential election, along with the other opposition parties such as National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) and the Cameroon Democratic Union (CDU). These parties have denounced and continue to do so concerning the organization of elections in Cameroon and calls for an independent electoral commission (IRIN NEWS 1997). For the last two presidential elections the SDF loose to the current president Paul Biya with a large gap Tetchiada (2004).

The 2004 elections showed cleared the loss of popularity by Fru Ndi and his party. The SDF has strongly opposed the constitutional amendment allowing Biya to run for president again last two years, they condemned the fact that he has been president of Cameroon for more than 30 years and wants to remain head of state for another term of office (Tetchiada 2004). The SDF parliamentarians boycotted the April 2008 parliamentary elections in which amendment was approved (BBC NEWS 2008).

4.3 All Anglophone Conference (ACC)

According to Konings and Nyamnjoh (2003), as a result of the liberalization during the 1990s, many associations and pressure groups by Anglophones elites were formed to represent and defend their interests. Examples of such pressure groups include; the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM), the All Anglophone Conference (ACC), Teachers Association of Cameroon (TAC), the Confederation of Anglophone Parents-Teacher Association (CAPTAC) and the Cameroon Students Association (CANSA). In 1993 they forced the government to create a General Certificate of Education Board (GCE) in the Anglophone area and succeeded to achieve it (Konings and Nyamnjoh 1997:217). This was an important victory for the Anglophones in their ten years of struggle. These associations and pressure groups have promoted demonstrations, strikes and boycotts in their fight against the Francophone dominated unitary state. (Ibid: 217).

In March 1993, the All Anglophone Conference was formed and had its first session in Buea capital of the South West region with the aim of adopting on a common ground and Anglophone stand on the constitutional reforms and examining several other matters related to their welfare and prosperity (Mbaku and Takougang 2004).

Furthermore, according to these authors, the Buea declaration listed many grievances about Francophone domination and called for a return to federal state (Mbaku and Takougang, 2004:206). And between the 29 to the 2 of May 1994 in Bamenda capital of the North West region with objective the shifting of federalism to secession and decided through its delegates voted to replace the (ACC) with Southern Cameroon National Council (SCNC) (Konings and Nyamnjoh 1997:219).

4.4 Southern Cameroon National Council (SCNC)

According to Konings and Nyamnjoh (2003:95), several attempts to enter into contact with the Biya regime has failed because he simply ignored the list of resolutions of the Southern Cameroons delegates mandated by the SCNC in November 1994. They mention that on October 7, 1995, the SCNC executive unanimously adopted the independence program for the Southern Cameroons.

The Anglophone leaders have been putting more and more pressure to gain international support for their territory’s autonomy by dispatching missions to selected countries in Africa, Europe and North America; they entered into correspondence with the UN secretariat and the Common Wealth of Nations office, and applied for membership to the Unrepresented Nations and the People Organization (UNPO) in the Hague (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:94). (The UNPO works closely with the UN and has been active in the process that led to the independence of East Timor), (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:94) The SCNC leaders taught it could happen same like in East Timor to Southern Cameroons. The UN leaders were concerned about the Anglophone problem could lead to an ethno-regional conflict in West Africa during his visit to Cameroon in May 2000, the UN secretary-general, Kofi Anan, in a press conference pleaded for dialogue between Francophone and Anglophone leaders. The SCNC leaders were ready for dialogue but the Biya regime turned a deaf ear to them (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:96).

According to Konings and Nyamnjoh (2000), the leadership of the Anglophone elites was very successful during the 1992-1995, but from 1995 onwards the Anglophone sensitization campaign came to a standstill. The main cause for this was the resignation of the founding fathers from the SCNC leadership, which later left the party with incompetent leaders. This made a conflict developed within the Anglophone movement between those who continued to adhere to negotiations from separation with French Cameroon and those who had come to conclude that the independence of Southern Cameroon will only be achieved through armed struggle (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2000:16).

4.5 Southern Cameroon Youth League (SCYL)

Many Cameroonians started losing faith and confidence in the new SCNC leadership which also led to the youths creating and executive with their own agendas reclaiming self determination, thus formed the Southern Cameroon Youth League (SCYL) operating under the umbrella of the SCNC (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:103). The SCYL was in dissatisfaction with the SCNC leadership on the peaceful means with the Francophone-dominated state thus they break out with the SCNC in 1996 and placed itself under the umbrella of Southern Restoration Movement (SCARM). Their main aim is to create an independent Southern Cameroon state through rebellion. In the process of preparing for action in both Anglophone regions, the SCYL was unexpectedly faced with imprisonment of its chairman and many other members (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:104)

4.6 Anglophone Diaspora

The Southern Cameroonians or Anglophones of the Diaspora have been reacting to this problem by creating meetings abroad among themselves to look for a way forward. Most of the time demonstrations is at the center of their pacifications as they ask for independence of Southern Cameroon. Again, many of these English-speaking Cameroonians of the Diasporas are mostly asylum seekers because of the torture, killings and imprisonment of SCNC members and which is largely ignored by the UN, the US and former colonial powers France and Britain. They keep on denouncing and presenting their problems to the international community.

Furthermore, Anglophone Cameroonians or English-speaking Cameroonians in their own part in solving the problem have created a social net work called ‘Yahoo group discussion forum’, here Anglophones in the Diaspora share their ideas on which step to take forward. It is also but clear that most Anglophones today will go in for an independent state, because this discussion group in the making shows how Anglophone Cameroonians construct their identity as most Anglophones have created Anglophones associations in the different countries abroad outside from the union meeting with the Francophones

4.7 Strategies used by the Cameroon government to neutralize the Anglophone Identity

4.7.1 Divide and Rule;

The government of Cameroon has attempted to divide the Anglophones by placing emphases on the existing confusion and misunderstanding between Southwest and the Northwest elite. One the Biya’s regime tactic is based on the appointment of South Westerns to key positions in response to the frequent complaints about the North West domination over their region(Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003:111). The regime in place has used this tactics among the Anglophone elite for the defense of the unitary state in exchange for rewards in the form of appointments, thus to those who sought protection as minorities, the price to pay would be to vote for the regime in place and that is Biya’s party (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:111).

For us to better understand the point of divide and rule above, I think the theory of patron-client relations by Tornquis (1999: 57) above. In this theory of patron-client relations, the author explains that this theory is based on mutual personal exchange of goods and services between unequal actors. This happens when powerless clients needs to relate to the world outside its family and require material support and protection from influential persons who are the patrons. Reciprocation comes in the form of loyalty, votes and rendering of various services from the client to the patron.

Nyamnjoh (1999:117) explains that Cameroon as a country that is united by ethnic goals and differences, but the Biya regime has opted on pursuing and accomplishing deceitful approach which he uses to manipulate the Cameroonians. The author makes us understands that, when a civil servant is appointed to a high office is to pay allegiance to the head of state thanking him for such appointment, while those from other ethnic group or region are to be blamed for the lack of appointment or loss of one. And in other to maintain your status or climb to a high office individuals must give in total support to the president (Nyamnjoh 1999:106).

Hyden et al (1970:32-33) claim that, as form of political intrusion into the civil service, patronage tends to be chronic if and when it forms the basis of appointment and promotion, usually resting on political zeal rather than the merits and achievements in appointments and promotion. This phenomenon hinders the early growth of professional ethic in the civil service.

The irony in the whole situation is that, the Anglophone problem in a way has increased the chances of Biya’s loyal followers drastically among the Anglophones elites to be appointed to government post which used to be reserved for the Francophone’s (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:114). This highly place Anglophones always form delegation by Biya from Yaoundé to the Anglophone regions to contest and claims of the leadership of the Anglophone movements and to defend the unitary system (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:114)

4.7.2 Trivialization of Anglophone problem:

The current regime has always tried to minimize the Anglophone-Francophone division by portraying the existence of a common identity under the German colonial rule and official recognition in all the post-colonial constitutions of the bilingual and also multicultural nature of Cameroon nation (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 110). Furthermore, president Biya has been trying to convince both the national and international opponents that Cameroon’s policy of bilingualism has been a success and that just a few minority of the Anglophone community is for secession and that he is ready to call for a referendum if it is necessary (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:110).

4.7.3 The establishment of direct and indirect control over the mass media;

As the state has total control over the media, this has over the years weakened the solidarity and freedom among Anglophone journalist and also to minimize and discredit their efforts (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 121).

4.7.4 Repression:

This method used by the government is just an example to demonstrate the level at which the government dominantly French tries to overcome the Anglophones giving no room for dialogue as demanded by the United Nations secretary at the time Kofi Anan. Because of the multiple strategies put in place by the government to disunite and deconstruct the Anglophone identity tended to be accomplished by cruel repression of the Anglophone population and their activities. Opposition parties like the SDF and LDA continue to be exposed to state intimidations and violence (Konings and Nyamnjoh 133:135). These points above and couple with other pressure groups have been facing obstacles to the struggle of the Anglophones for equal status.

4.8 An evaluation of the actions taken by Anglophone movements to solve the marginalization problem in Cameroon

The different Anglophone movements like (ACC, SCNC, SCYL and FRSC) have been in the quest for self autonomy and self determination through organizing sensitizing campaigns, strikes, demonstrations and boycotts in their fight against Francophone dominated unitary state. They have listed many negative grievances about Francophone domination. As mention by Kofele-Kale and Takougang, some of these grievances include; the denial of equal status both languages by the constitution in the unitary state, the abolishment of the federal system in replacement by a highly centralized unitary, the relative underdevelopment of the Anglophone region shows that it has not benefited sufficiently from its rich economic resources, particularly oil (Kofele-Kale 1986; Takougang 1993). Just to name a few of the problems among others. It should be noted that the issue of rich natural resources as a cause of conflict has been further analyzed by Paul Collier et al who in their extensive study of civil wars identifies the failures of economic development as the key roots cause of conflict (Collier et al 2005). They also made mention of the fact that, scarcity of resources has been the prime trigger of disagreements between tribes and nations making him to conclude that these conflicts are an overwhelming phenomenon for low income countries.

This problem between the Anglophones and Francophone had a trend of action as analyze in the previous chapter. This began when the Anglophone called for negotiations through dialogue, when their call was ignored, they asked for a return to a federal state, which still yielded no response; finally they call for secession came in, still no reaction from government. Meaning all their cries fell on deaf ears. Lyombe (2003) mentions that authorities instead answered the Anglophones by imposing even tighter control over the monopoly of government media and used them to stress national unity among the Anglophones and denounce the leaders of the Anglophone movements who questioned the status quo of the Francophone government (Lyombe 2003:12)

Kofi Anan’s visit to Cameroon in 2000 was a crucial moment as he asked for dialogue between Anglophones and Francophones as a best solution to the problem and this came about after the Anglophone leaders made efforts to gain international support for their territory’s autonomy, as they send some of their leaders to selected countries in Africa, Europe, and North America, and applied for membership to the Unrepresented Nations and People Organization (UNPO) in the Hague. But the regime in place has done nothing to resolve the problem and what happen was that the SCNC took hostage over the Cameroon Radio and Television in Buea and proclaimed the restoration of the independence of the federal Republic of Southern Cameroon (FRSC). One of the English-language newspapers state that, “the drive toward secession is the result of government refusal to discuss Anglophone problem” (Lyombe 2003:15). Though they have made few gains, the overall situation of their actions have been far expectations. I will analyze their success first and the failures right after it.

4.8.1 Success

Konings and Nyamnjoh realize and came to the conclusion that, these movements were successful only on the fact that, it created an awareness and made contribution to raising Anglophone consciousness and have been able to put the Anglophone problem on a national and international political agenda showing that the Anglophones are being marginalized in their own country. This made most Anglophones to become more conscious of Francophone domination, assimilation and exploitation on the basis not only of their own personal experience but also their frequent exposure to the sensitization activities of the Anglophone leaders, journalists, and artists. (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:197).

According to Konings and Nyamnjoh (2003), one of their major successes was the organization of the All Anglophone Conference (ACC) attended by large number of Anglophone elites who put federalism and later secession on the constitutional reform agenda. Some important victories were booked in this period, in particular the creation of the GCE board and the postponement of the CDC privatization. On these occasions the leadership was capable of mobilizing Anglophones against government encroachment on their educational and economic legacies. (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:198).

4.8.2 Failures

The government of Cameroon has been proving that they are capable of neutralizing the opposition of the Anglophone movement to a large extends by employing a number of long standing tactics like divide and rule, appointing ethno-regional leaders in the regime and severe repression. Its major strategy was to divide the Anglophone elites capitalizing on the existing rivalries between the North West and South West elites (Eyoh 1998; Mbile 2000).

Furthermore, Anglophones have been facing the problem of disunity among their organizations and uncertainty in their objectives, as some wanted independence and others don’t even want a federal state. This has created confusion among Anglophones and in June 2001, the Anglophone movement decided to merge and formed an alliance to achieve independence (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 119).

The Anglophones have been blaming the Francophones over the marginalization conditions in Cameroon but they have failed to realize that they themselves are also to be blamed for their failure. This has happen in several occasions where the Anglophone elites failed to form a united front in the pre and post reunification period for the representative and defense of the Anglophone interest because they were preoccupied with their own internal power struggles (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 196-199).

Lyombe (2003) mentions that, as a result of the conflicting ideas among the Anglophone elites, the youths have been frustrated with the different strategies put in place to resolve the aspiration of the Anglophones recognition and representation. They have now turned for other alternative channels for mobilization. They are using the internet as the main instrument to air their views on various aspects for their predicaments. The internet has been one of the main catalysts for the development of an “Anglophone identity” among English-speaking Cameroonians around the world. Cam net, name of the Cameroonian e-mail discussion group based in Italy, United State, the United Kingdom and Canada has continue to be dominated by English-speaking Cameroonians in these countries have prove to be a form for the discussion of identity issues as well as methods of getting out of the problematic situation created by the Anglophone problem (Lyombe 2003:16).

4.9 Conclusion

From the evaluation carried out from the above concerning the actions of Anglophones to fight back and propose solutions to this problem has been unfruitful because the Anglophones themselves are divided and this was made possible by the government in place as one of it strategies to weaken the Anglophone community. Furthermore, the regime feels repression is the better option to scare away the Anglophones for any further demonstration, and At the end the government has achieve in its different strategies even at the extend of given a dump ear to the international community which has ask for dialogue but still hasn’t been respected by the regime and have crush all Anglophone movements for now.

CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION AND POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS TO THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM

5.1 Conclusion

Minority conflicts are common phenomena in Africa and this is as a consequence due to several reasons. This Anglophone problem in Cameroon is as a result of the Anglophone been marginalized by the majority who are the Francophone and I did explain in my work both the origin and ways in which the Anglophones are being marginalized. Also the actions carried out by the Anglophone movements and tactics used by the government to neutralize the Anglophone identity have been elaborated in details. Theories like ethnicity, regional development and political systems have been used to analyze the empirical material. I know it was difficult to present all the work detail but I gave in detailed descriptions in chapter three and four in order for us to have a clear understanding of what is really the Anglophone problem all about and notwithstanding, we should also realized that this Anglophone problem is a very difficult one because there haven’t been any solution till date as a result of both conflicting zones have refused to agree with the other. The United Nations and the Anglophones have been pleading and asking for dialogue, but the Francophone government is still adamant to give in, instead they are using their own tactics to neutralize the Anglophone movement.

5.2 Possible solutions to the Anglophone problem

To better negotiate the Anglophone problem is to hold and organize meetings between both parties like the 1961 constitutional conference in Foumban since increasing numbers of Anglophones and Francophones are beginning to support a negotiated solution (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 202). It has been realized that the Biya’s government is the major cause and obstacle to the call for negotiating. He appoints few Anglophones leaders to top positions is not the solution but instead it is more likely to radicalize Anglophone demands than offer a lasting solution to the problem.

The emergence of the SCYL with its advocacy of armed struggle and the election of a new and apparently bolder SCNC leadership show that the conflict has a long way to forward. It is believe that no negotiations could be possible with the participation of the United Nations. The UN secretary General back then by name Kofi Anan pleaded for dialogue between the Anglophone and Francophone leaders during his visit to Cameroon in May 2000. To him it was clear as he made ask for dialogue and reconciliation rather than separation were instrumental in solving the Anglophone problem. Therefore in order to prevent any occurrence of bloodshed or escalation of any conflict between both parties. “It will be best for the UN to bring more pressure to bear upon Biya’s regime to accept dialogue and help organize constitutional talks under the auspices of the United Nations” (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003: 203).

Furthermore, Konings and Nyamnjoh think that if there are any further negotiations between both parties, they should be involved in the constitutional process, discuss freely and are sincere about the future form of state or government to be put in place. At the beginning the Anglophones wanted an independent state and was the most popular option in the years preceding reunification but the local population was not given the chance by the UN to vote for it during the 1961 plebiscite. During the political liberalization period of the early 1990s the Anglophone movement called for this renewal for an independent state. Furthermore, it is also important for the UN to organize a referendum to see if there is sufficient support for the Anglophone movement’s call for the creation for an independent state of Southern Cameroon so as to get a more reliable source of information about Anglophone’s aspiration (Konings and Nyamnjoh 2003:203-204).

It is also clear as some scholars regard secession as the best solution in case where there are no prospects for any peaceful coexistence of territorial units within dysfunctional and divided nation-states. Eritrea’s peaceful separation from Ethiopia in the 1994 is used as an example for successful secession, but it was a good example back then because there is now in recent years a violent conflict with Ethiopia. In addition, the Anglophones on their part and the opposition need to be united and exercise patience with the government rather than rush into conflict and bloodshed.

In situations of conflicting political interests, there are always discourse and counter-discourse. Denial of problematic situation occurs when an individual or group denies that a problem exists or denies wrong-doing or incompetence. This is so with Cameroon when Most of the French speaking politicians and as well as some high ranking English-speaking politicians in the Cameroon government deny that there is such a thing as an Anglophone problem (Lyombe 2003:15).

Lastly, it should be noted that regional development should be carried out in all the regions of Cameroon equally with no discrimination as the case with the Anglophones minority group. This can be done through empowering the local people through capacity building to actively participate in the development projects by defining, and resolving social and economic problems to achieve their development objectives.

5.3 Peace building and the way forward

Peace building encompasses activities carried out either by the primary parties to the conflict, the civil society, the government, international organizations to ensure a long lasting peaceful situation in the post conflict and also prevent the recurrence of conflict. These activities may include: reconciliation, restoration of judicial system, protection of human rights, good governance, state institution building and security sector reform. Methods of carrying out some of the peace-building activities such as reconciliation through dialogue could be an effective mechanism and should be emphasized when handling African conflicts especially at the local levels rather than armed conflict. I think reconciliation through dialogue is the best solution to the Anglophone problem. As we have seen above, the former UN sectary general Kofi Anan pleaded for this before he left Cameroon so the Biya regime and government in place should be made to understand this, so that the problem can be solve so as to prevent any further future conflicts.

Rothschild and Lake (1997: 291) identified four main options to national leaders for conflict management

“1) Demonstration of respect for all groups and cultures
2) Formal and informal power sharing
3) Election according to rule that ensures either power sharing or minimal representation of all ethnic groups in national politics
4) Federalism or regional autonomy”

They are clear over their points which suggest that no matter the strategy chosen, success depends greatly upon the commitment of leadership. If leaders are not prone to compromise and to operate transparently, ethnic tensions are bound to re-emerge and in some cases the resulting tensions will turn into conflicts, and once this occur; preventing diplomacy must give way to peace making. In such case mediation on the part of the third party who is neutral to the conflict will be needed. External intervention would be most effective it were indirect and represented in the material and logistical support of UN or regional efforts.

The further challenge is to develop political strategies for peace keeping (Rothschild and Lake 1997; 291). From the proposition of these writers, the leaders of African countries and Cameroon in particular need to know that they owe a responsibility to their citizens. The government should treat all its citizens equally if it things that the country belongs to all its citizens, whatever their social categories, then the government should take care of everybody equally and not marginalize a particular group because they are a minority. They should prevent favoritism and create equal opportunities where every region of the country can be involved in representation. On the part of the citizens, they need to exercise patience with the government and not see violence as the best solution to the problems they have.

5.4 Contribution of this study to developmental studies

In many African states, violent conflicts have slowed down economic and social development. This study reveals that in order to manage conflicts in a non-violent manner, governance methods adapted to the development process are needed. Effective conflict prevention demands thorough understand of the origins and dynamics of these conflicts. This study has tried to trace and understand the origin of the Anglophone problem, and has suggested the best solutions possible for the problem to be solved.

Again, at the national arena, the study has encouraged peaceful negotiations through dialogue rather than violent conflict to promote social, political and economic development. It has also encouraged good governance through democracy, to accommodate different groups and interests in society. Internationally, we also realized that the external community has provided means or solution by which the conflicting parties in Cameroon can negotiate their own solutions to tensions rather than imposing externally devised solutions, which is a positive way forward for development. The most important external intervention came from former UN secretary general Kofi Anan pushing forward for negotiations through dialogue. This study has also made it clear at times the negative attitude of the government in place to negotiate and will be good if the international community should put more and more pressure on the regime because the Anglophones might run out of patience and turn it to armed conflict which will be disastrous for Cameroon.

This study of Cameroon has revealed a democratization process where its transitional phase did not go beyond multiparty elections, where the pre-transition regime maintains itself in the post-transition era. We cannot therefore imagine the dominant role of the elite against the grassroots, which does not encourage development since the grassroots are not empowered nor have a say in projects that concern them.

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