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The Historical Development of the Malay Society Economic Nature During Pre-Colonial Era

by Uqbah Iqbal (Author) Nordin Hussin (Author) Ahmad Ali Seman (Author)

Research Paper (undergraduate) 2014 30 Pages

Economics - History

Excerpt

Table of Contents

1) MALAY PENINSULA EAST COAST AREA

2) NORTHERN MALAY PENINSULA

3) THE ECONOMIC NATURE OF THE MALAY COMMUNITY

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1) MALAY PENINSULA EAST COAST AREA

The Malay Peninsula East Coast waters has become an essential waters for shipping activities since the early of maritime trade in Asia. These waters functioning in two forms. First, it became the heart of communication for the community use around Southeast Asia especially in Indochina and southern China. Second, this route became a trade route for traders who deal between East and West or between India and China. The existence of a sea passage for the ships was due to the existence of such maritime governments like Chih-Tu, Lo-yueh (Johor) and Chieh Cha (Kedah). These governments exist as a port city for trading activities. This trading activity has become increasingly important as more and more traders from China, India, Persia and Arab began to use this route.[1]

It is believed that the path in the South China Sea waters is already used by the Cham government and Imperial China. The discovery of artifacts from sunken ships proves that this route was used by ships of the Chinese Empire. However, information on East Coast area maritime activities is limited and more depending on the resources of the Chinese traveller.[2] The importance of sea routes around the South China Sea is seen in connection with the formation of the early Governments during the early 20th century which characterised by maritime. Archaeologists believe trading activities covering the Malay Peninsula East Coast have begun to grow since the first century again.[3]

From the point of history and civilization, the Malays are a class of seafarers and traders who used to be the dominant power. Segenting Kra Malay Government and also on the East Coast, particularly Kelantan and Terengganu are the ports and trade center to outside merchants such as China, India and Arab.[4] The use of the Malay Peninsula East Coast maritime routes intensifies during the grandeur of the maritime trade from the 14th century to the 16th century. This growth stems from increasing trade relations between China and India as well as from the Arab traders group.

The use of a yacht takes a longer time and require ships to stop for supply and clean water around the Malay Peninsula East Coast.[5] This resulted in Tioman Island became an important port during this period. The opening and development of Malacca in the 14th century as an entrepot port and trade city for ships and traders who sailed from the port of India and Ceylon to China and other ports in Southeast Asia has increased the use of ships in the waters of the Malay Peninsula East Coast.[6] Moreover the Malay Peninsula East Coast fairway sea used by ships sailing from Siam and Southeast Asia mainland. This route is also used by ships from China to Malacca for trade.

What's more interesting to prove the importance of the Malay Peninsula East Coast water route was the role played by Tioman Island. The written sources and the island's ceramic remains prove that the island was a port favoured by ancient ships involved in maritime trade. Archeological finding also parallel with the Arab literature writing in 9th and 10th centuries which states the island is supplying wood, rice, wooden sandals, bird's nest and coconut to the merchant who stop by. This view is supported by Leong Sau Heng, Malaysian archaeologists who consider Tioman Island are important in supplying food to sailors that stop here.[7] At the same time, the island is also known for providing eaglewood and camphor in high quality. However all this material with the exception of coconut not produced by Tioman Island, on the other hand it is the goods brought to the island by traders from around the Malay Peninsula East Coast.[8] The role of Tioman Island continued to make the Malay Peninsula East Coast waters important around 9th century.

The Malay Peninsula East Coast is also the initial area that accepts Islam, since the 10th century. Dinar currency discovery dated 577H in Kelantan (1181 A.D.) and the discovery of[9] Terengganu inscription dated 702H (1303 A.D.)[10] clearly prove the East Coast area accept Islam and already practice the teachings of Islam. This can be seen in Terengganu inscription that has written Canon of Islam to his people. This code is written in beautiful and bright Jawi. Kelantan currency was wearing dinars. Until today the people of Kelantan still mention rial to ringgit.[11] Until the 17th century relations with Arab traders and preachers still occurs, until the name of Kelantan Princess King named Wan Kembang (1610-1677), eventually receiving her new title Paduka "Siti" which means Woman King. The name is suggested by an Arab merchant, who is also a preacher of Islam. This name remained with the name Cik Siti Wan Kembang.[12]

The east coast of the Malay Peninsula has long been known to the eyes of explorers such as China and the Arab world. A historian of China, Chau Ju-Kua has recorded the names Fo-lo-an in Southeast Asia as China and Arab business center. Whether Fo-lo-an was in Kuala Berang or in Kelantan, this name proves the relationship with Islam. Marco Polo, the Italian traveler, on his way to China in 1292 was stopped at a place called "Paisal". The name "Paisal or" Lokok "in reference to the Kelantan, is one of the largest fishing village on the coast of Gujarat. Also in 1297, Ibn Battuta in his voyage from India to China, visited a country in Southeast Asia named Kilu Krai, which is nothing but a colony in Kuala Krai, Kelantan.[13] All it proves the East Coast area of the Malay Peninsula is already known since the 13th century, or even earlier.[14]

Patani which includes Northeast Region has built a civilization in the form of literary books that greatly affect students in Kelantan. Patani scripture scholars become text in most cottages in Kelantan until now. The contents of this civilization which has a significant impact on the residents of the East Coast are not easily influenced by the spillover of hedonism[15] from the West, which hit big cities like Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh, Penang and Johor Bahru.[16]

2) NORTHERN MALAY PENINSULA

Start the first century AD appears a number of early governments in the northern of the Malay Peninsula. Among the governments are P'an-p’an, Tun-sun, Chu-tu-kun (Tu-kun) and Chih-tu, Lang-ya-shiu, Chieh-cha, Chia-lan-tan, Ho -Lo-lo-ton, Fo-lo-an, Peng-keng and Takola.[17] The former sites of early government was subsequently born the new government in the centuries after the 13th century AD such as the government of Yala, Nara, Patani, Satun, Sainburi, Teluban, Reman, Legeh, Kelantan, Perlis, Kelantan, Terengganu and Pahang. The difference between the early government and the new government is the religious practices which the early government practice Hinduism and Buddhism and the new one practice Islam.[18] Northern region of the Malay Peninsula is an area that has an earliest and largest population when compared to areas in the south. The formation of civilizations and regions occur in the area advancely from the southern regions. Communities in this area reflect a breed society through the same experience without border limitation until the arrival of the British.[19]

Many historians consider the state of Kedah as the oldest in the Malay Peninsula.[20] The form of population and Kedah people’s economic activity in the past can be rooted from settlement patterns and shapes as well as the system of government on any one era then. Economic activity in Kedah began to grow with the trade area as Lembah Bujang, Sungai Mas, Langgar and Limbong Kapal. Kedah position which is located at the entrance of the Straits of Malacca and guided Gunung Jerai makes it convenient for seaborne trade activities. Kedah location which is located between the two great civilizations of China and India has made it an important role as an exchange central (entrepot). Kedah trade can be divided into two main eras before the arrival of Islam and Kedah Sultanate era.[21]

Before Islam flourished in the Malay world, Kedah is famous for Lembah Bujang civilization, which has the effect of Hindu-Buddhist under the kingdom of Sriwijaya. In this era, Kedah trade more concentrated to the south of the country. In the 13th and 14th centuries, Kedah position as the port economic hub began to decline with the emergence of Malacca as an economic power that receive traders focus from East to West. Malacca also becomes a powerful force and capable of challenging Siam. Siam growing its influence to Kedah and the state becomes a bulwark to contain the control of Malacca. Kedah port then becoming more important as a defence center than trade. Kedah Sultanate also saw Kedah dealing with foreign powers such as the Netherlands, Bugis and Portuguese. Kedah relationship with the Netherlands is more economical than Kedah relationship with other external power.[22]

The earliest records indicate the Netherlands buy tin from the Sultanate of Kedah in 1606. However, the trade agreement only signed on July 6, 1641. By June 1642, Sultan Rijaluddin (1626-1651) allowing the Dutch East India Company bought half the output of tin, cows, buffalo, elephant, pepper and other products from Kedah. In return, the Netherlands is required to provide military assistance when needed.[23] In addition, Kedah economic conditions can be seen during the reign of Sultan Abdullah. In this era, Kedah trading revenue is estimated to decline from $ 136,000 to $ 80,000 in the 1870s.[24] Kedah subsequently emerged as the leading independent exporter to Penang.

Rice trading monopoly before the beginning of the 20th century lies in the hands of the Sultan and the aristocracy.[25] In 1864, for example, the amount of rice export from Kedah to Penang is worth $ 10,000.[26] The rice will be re-exported to China.[27] Rice export activities abroad underway in several major ports around Kedah like Kuala Kedah, Kuala Muda and Langkawi Island.[28] It encourages the entry of foreign capital, especially from Penang to ensure continuous supply of rice.[29] The majority of investors comprise Chinese. These investors later obtained a buy monopoly from the Sultan through the tax system.[30] To increase the total supply of rice, Malay farmers moved into entering leases holder commercial networks through owe method.[31]

The officials who got the concession to build the canal waters plantation in Kedah were also said to have received funding through loans from Chinese investors or Penang pimp. The economic importance of rice in Kedah not only can be seen from its export trade but in Kedah Act 1893.[32] Of the four canon, two directly reflect the agricultural land. The second canon (Datuk Seri Paduka Tuan Law 1667) touches on various aspects of agriculture, particularly on rice crops. In addition, the emphasis on the construction of the canal, which is important for irrigation purposes has demonstrated the importance of this agricultural economy.[33]

Besides rice, the Penang Chinese investors are also involved with cassava, especially in southern Kedah.[34] The importance of cassava to the economy remained until 1899. Kedah Sultan gives many concessions of land for cassava farms through the tax system to foreign businessmen from China and Europe.[35] However, with the inclusion of rubber, cassava experience impaired.[36] Penang investors are also involved in agricultural tax system in Kedah, especially in Kulim and Kuala Muda.[37] Although Kedah was not occupied by the British until 1909, but its economic relations with the capitalist economic system had begun much earlier, especially through contact with Penang.[38]

Malay community state economic system in Kedah is different from other Malay states. This statement was submitted by Mohd. Isa Othman who found Kedah are more likely to adopt the economic system of a commercial nature and this is different from the other Malay states that at that time their economy is still practicing semi traditional.[39] In the early stages, Penang offers a market for rice, beef, poultry and other agricultural produce from Kedah.[40] Penang investors also have a lot of investment mainly Chinese traders. With regard to the role of the capital from Penang, a British officer commented,

Whilst, however, Kedah is politically an independent state under the suzerainty of Siam, commercially it is a mere independency of Penano Every dollar of capital invested in it has come from Penang and all its Chinese traders are connected with Penang Firm.[41]

Given this situation, the economic activities of the people in Kedah are not self-sufficiency rather have the characteristics of a commercial economy despite their involvement is not massive. In fact, foreign relations with Penang also cause Kedah to involve in the commercial economic.

3) THE ECONOMIC NATURE OF THE MALAY COMMUNITY

Most of the writing and the reference on economic activity around the Malays in the 19th century defines the economic form as self-sufficiency that are closed, traditionally, less competitive and small-scale products production that are at low levels of productivity.[42]. This view is not much different from J.M. Gullick views, a Western scholar who believes that the Malays economic system is semi-subsistence where they were only able to generate resources for the production of personal and family needs. While the rest will be sold to earn money and other necessities that can not be produced by themselves:[43]

The villager bought and sold goods for money, with the result that he lived in an exchange economy in which money and prices expressed in money were part of his culture. Nonetheless, a typical village produced a great deal of what it consumed and it had a semi-subsistence economy, in which rice and other local foodstuffs were the essential basis of living.[44]

If any interaction with the outside world, it is on a small scale in the form of an exchange to get essentials such as salt, iron and textile equipment:

In the nineteenth century, there was little specialization in the Malay peasent economy and the typical Malay village produced a great deal of what it consumed. The peasant’s life revolved around the river, the forest and a small area of land near his dwelling. His landholding was small – averaging two acres in some states. The basic production unit was the family, engaged in mainly subsistence agriculture, in which rice and other local foodstuffs were essential items. A certain amount of produce was exchanged for such necessary goods as salt, ironware and textiles.[45]

Another historian who has studied about the peasants and agricultural economy also has same opinion on the interpretation that the Malays economy is in agricultural self-sufficiency shaped:

Peasant agriculture was traditionally a subsistence activity. The peasant cultivator worked on a small area and possessed a simple level of technology. Occasionally he obtained a large crop above the normal requirements of his household...[46]

Conversely, there is another group of writings that use Marxist terminology and concepts to describe the shape of the Malays economy by the beginning of the 20th century. The writings are different from the point of conceptualizing ideas drawn from anthropology and sociology in particular.[47] For example, according to Shaharil Talib who present his views on the agricultural economy of the Malays in Kelantan in the 19th century:

Given the fragmentation of villages scattered over a vast country-side, economic self-sufficiency, and limited division of labour, the simple organization of production in these self-sufficient communities constantly reproduced themselves in the same form. The agricultural producers of Kelantan lived in a natural economy where production was essentially for use value. This type of economy is opposed to the capitalist economy where commodity production is predominant. Although surplus was produced in the natural economy it was used for production in the next season for a wide variety of communal feasts and payment of tribute or the upper class. Generally rice was obtained from huma (hill padi) and wet padi cultivation. Other additional requirements were obtained from dusun (fruit orchards), forest collecting, hunting and fishing.[48]

However, this does not mean there is no other approach about the economic pattern of the Malays, especially by agriculture in the 19th century. Cant, for example argues that in the 1880s, the Malays self-sufficiency economic in Pahang no longer work properly due to attraction of trade stemming from the demand for some Pahang products from Singapore:[49]

In the 1880’s the Malay subsistence economy had broken down to much greater extent than some contemporary writers realized... Well before 1888 the subsistence economy had been broken down by the Singapore demand for jungle produce and alluvial gold. .. when Swettenham passed through Ulu Pahang in 1885 the Malays there were using rice imported from Kelantan. In years when the padi crops were good, less jungle produce was collected. If the crops failed, their efforts to collect jungle produce were intensified, sometimes to the point where they neglected to prepare for the next padi crop.[50]

There are also other activities where subsistence farming is not so obvious or unimportant. For example, in Mukim Mawar in Selangor, between the various plants, oil is the most important crop that dominates the county economy. This situation is alleged to have occurred before the British administration.[51] However, it is recognized that this case is too isolated and localized nature.[52] Shamsul AB in his writings of the opinion that:

...it can be argued that the majority of Mawar peasents at least after 1850’s were no longer totally involved in production simply for subsistence. They were increasingly involved in commodity production, but not necessarily in the full capitalist sense...[53]

The introduction of the international economic system relatively open has occurred in the days before the arrival of Western powers again. This is because there are native Malay traders in the waters. Among the evidence, in Admiral Abdul Jalil era (1670s to 1690s), Riau has developed into a vibrant trading center. In addition, people from government heritage of Malacca Sultanate were conducting trading activities across the outside environment or area of their lives. China and Europe sources recorded various ethnic groups which under Malacca Sultanate heritage engaged in trading from Patani, Cambodia to Sulawesi, Java and Maluku Sea.[54] From the 1850s, a form of international economy had already occurred and in Southeast Asia, absorption into the world trade network is already evident:

[...]


[1] Mohd Samsudin, Azima Abd. Manaf & Shahizan Shaharuddin, Perkembangan Pengangkutan Marin Sekitar Pantai Timur Tanah Melayu Zaman Tradisional dan Zaman Pentadbiran British (The development of marine transport around the east cost of Malaya from the early age to the period of the British administration) in Journal of Tropical Marine Ecosystem 1, 2011, p. 31.

[2] Ibid., p. 31. See also B.A. Andaya & Leonard Y. Andaya, A History of Malaysia, Hong Kong, Macmillan Asian Histories Series, 1982, p. 21.

[3] Mohd Samsudin, Azima Abd. Manaf & Shahizan Shaharuddin, Perkembangan Pengangkutan Marin Sekitar Pantai Timur Tanah Melayu Zaman Tradisional dan Zaman Pentadbiran British (The development of marine transport around the east cost of Malaya from the early age to the period of the British administration) in Journal of Tropical Marine Ecosystem 1, 2011, p. 32.

[4] Haziyah Hussin, Orang Melayu Kelantan Dari Sudut Budaya dan Perspektif Sejarah Lampau in JEBAT 31, 2004, p. 34.

[5] Mohd Samsudin, Azima Abd. Manaf & Shahizan Shaharuddin, Perkembangan Pengangkutan Marin Sekitar Pantai Timur Tanah Melayu Zaman Tradisional dan Zaman Pentadbiran British (The development of marine transport around the east cost of Malaya from the early age to the period of the British administration) in Journal of Tropical Marine Ecosystem 1, 2011, p. 32. See also Anthony Reid, An ‘Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asian History in Modern Asian History 24 (1), 1990, p. 7.

[6] Mohd Samsudin, Azima Abd. Manaf & Shahizan Shaharuddin, Perkembangan Pengangkutan Marin Sekitar Pantai Timur Tanah Melayu Zaman Tradisional dan Zaman Pentadbiran British (The development of marine transport around the east cost of Malaya from the early age to the period of the British administration) in Journal of Tropical Marine Ecosystem 1, 2011, p. 32. See also R.P. Anand, Practice in South-East Asia until 1600 and Modern law of the Sea in The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 30 (2), 1981, p. 445.

[7] Mohd Samsudin, Azima Abd. Manaf & Shahizan Shaharuddin, Perkembangan Pengangkutan Marin Sekitar Pantai Timur Tanah Melayu Zaman Tradisional dan Zaman Pentadbiran British (The development of marine transport around the east cost of Malaya from the early age to the period of the British administration) in Journal of Tropical Marine Ecosystem 1, 2011, p. 33. See also Leong Sau Heng, Collecting Centres, Feeder Points and Entreport in the Malay Peninsula, 1000 B.C.- A.D. 1400 in J. Kathirithamby Wells & John Villiers (editors), The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Deminise, Singapore, Singapore University Press, 1990, pp. 17-38.

[8] Mohd Samsudin, Azima Abd. Manaf & Shahizan Shaharuddin, Perkembangan Pengangkutan Marin Sekitar Pantai Timur Tanah Melayu Zaman Tradisional dan Zaman Pentadbiran British (The development of marine transport around the east cost of Malaya from the early age to the period of the British administration) in Journal of Tropical Marine Ecosystem 1, 2011, pp. 33-34.

[9] Syed Othman Syed Omar, Peradaban Melayu Wilayah Timur Dari Sudut Pandangan Sastera, Paper work for Kolokium Peradaban Melayu Kawasan Timur Laut Yang Ke-2, Organized by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Wilayah Timur in collaboration Persatuan Sasterawan Negeri Terengganu (PELITA), Kuala Terengganu, Terengganu, 3-5 October 2003, p. 1. See also Saad Shukri bin Haji Muda, Detik-detik Sejarah Kelantan, Kota Bharu, Pustaka Aman Press, 1971, p. 28.

[10] Syed Othman Syed Omar, Peradaban Melayu Wilayah Timur Dari Sudut Pandangan Sastera, Paper work for Kolokium Peradaban Melayu Kawasan Timur Laut Yang Ke-2, Organized by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Wilayah Timur in collaboration Persatuan Sasterawan Negeri Terengganu (PELITA), Kuala Terengganu, Terengganu, 3-5 October 2003, p. 1. See also Abdul Samad Ahmad, Sejarah Kesusasteraan Melayu I, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1963, pp. 33-40.

[11] Syed Othman Syed Omar, Peradaban Melayu Wilayah Timur Dari Sudut Pandangan Sastera, Paper work for Kolokium Peradaban Melayu Kawasan Timur Laut Yang Ke-2, Organized by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Wilayah Timur in collaboration with Persatuan Sasterawan Negeri Terengganu (PELITA), Kuala Terengganu, Terengganu, 3-5 October 2003, p. 1.

[12] Ibid., pp. 1-2. See also Nik Mahmud Ismail, Ringkasan Cetera Kelantan, Kota Bharu, Al-Asasiyyah Press, 1933, pp. 6-7. See also Saad Shukri bin Haji Muda, Detik-detik Sejarah Kelantan, Kota Bharu, Pustaka Aman Press, 1971, pp. 34-35.

[13] Abdul Rahman Al-Ahmadi, Ibnu Batutah Pernah Singgah Di Kuala Krai, Kelantan in Nik Safiah Karim & Wan Abdul Kadir Yusuf (editors), Kelantan Dalam Perspektif Sosio-Budaya: Satu Kumpulan Esei, Kuala Lumpur, Jabatan Pengajian Melayu, Universiti Malaya, 1985, pp. 109-120.

[14] Syed Othman Syed Omar, Peradaban Melayu Wilayah Timur Dari Sudut Pandangan Sastera, Paper work for Kolokium Peradaban Melayu Kawasan Timur Laut Yang Ke-2, Organized by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Wilayah Timur in collaboration with Persatuan Sasterawan Negeri Terengganu (PELITA), Kuala Terengganu, Terengganu, 3-5 October 2003, p. 2.

[15] Hedonism is the philosophy that pleasure is the ultimate goal in life. Hedonism is the doctrine or the view that pleasure or enjoyment is the purpose of life and human action.

[16] Ibid., pp. 9-10.

[17] Nik Hasan Suhaimi bin Nik Abd. Rahman, Kerajaan Melayu Tua di Utara Semenanjung, Paper work for Simposium Wilayah Perbatasan Malaysia-Thailand, Organized by Jabatan Sejarah, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Dewan Anwar Mahmud, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, 16 March 1996, p. 1.

[18] Ibid., p. 1.

[19] Ibid., p. 9.

[20] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah: Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 172.

[21] Ibid., p. 173.

[22] Ibid., p. 174.

[23] Ibid., p. 174. See also Dianne Lewis, Jan Compagnie in the Straits of Malacca, 1641-1795, Southeast Asia Series no. 96, Monographs in International Studies, Athens, Ohio University Center for International Study, 1995, p. 20.

[24] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah: Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 174. See also Zaharah Hj. Mahmud, Change in a Malay Sultanate: On Historical Geography of Kedah Before 1939, Tesis Sarjana Sastera, University Malaya, 1965, p. 32.

[25] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah:

Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 174. See also Omar, Pembangunan Ekonomi Kaum Tani, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1986, p. 74.

[26] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 49. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication, 2001, p. 37.

[27] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 47.

[28] Ibid., p. 50. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication, 2001, p. 50.

[29] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 48.

[30] Ibid., p. 50. See also Zaharah Mahmud, The Evolution of Population in Journal of Southeast Asian History III (2), 1972, p. 196.

[31] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah: Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 174. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication, 2001, p. 37.

[32] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 50.

[33] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah: Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 174. See also A.M. Skinner, The Malay Peninsula and Malay - A Report on the 1947 Census of Population, M.V. del Tufo (compiler), Kuala Lumpur, Government Printer, 1949, p. 30. See also Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 51. See also Haslindawati Saari, Sejarah Perkembangan Padi di Kota Setar: 1880-1940, Latihan Ilmiah, Jabatan Sejarah, Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, 2007, pp. 13-15. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication,

2001, p. 47. See also Sharom Ahmat, Kedah - Tradition and change in Malay state: A study of the economic and political development of Kedah 1878-1923, Monograph No. 12, Kuala Lumpur, Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, 1984, p. 20. See also Sharom Ahmat, The structure of the economy of Kedah 1879-1905 in Journal of Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society 43(II), 1979, pp. 1-24. See also R.D. Hill, Rice in Malaya: A Study in Historical Geography, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1977, p. 56.

[34] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 52.

[35] Ibid., p. 52. See also Sharom Ahmat, The structure of the economy of Kedah: 1879-1905 in Journal of Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society 43(II), 1979, p. 20.

[36] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 53.

[37] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah: Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 174. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication, 2001, p. 51.

[38] Badriyah Haji Salleh & Tan Liok Ee, Sejarah Ekonomi Kedah Sehingga Kurun ke-19, Paper work presented in Majlis Polemik Sejarah Malaysia, Organized by Arkib Negara Malaysia, Alor Setar, Kedah, 9 May 2006, pp. 1-22.

[39] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 47. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication, 2001, p. 37.

[40] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, pp. 47-48. See also Mohamad Isa Othman, Pengalaman Kedah dan Perlis-Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Publication, 2001, p. 56.

[41] Jabil Mapjabil, Nooriah Yusof & Ahmad Tharmizzie Mat Jusoh, Transformasi Pembangunan Ekonomi di Negeri Kedah: Perspektif Historikal (Transformation of Economic Development in the State of Kedah: Historical Perspective) in PROSIDING PERKEM V (2), 2010, p. 174.

[42] Mohd Kasturi Nor bin Abd Aziz, Warisan Kesultanan Melayu: Surat-Menyurat Sultan Abdul Hamid dan Ekonomi Kedah in Sari - International Journal of the Malay World and Civilisation 29 (2), 2011, p. 46.

[43] Ibid., p. 47. See also J.M. Gullick, Malay Society in the late Nineteeth Century, Singapore, Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 124.

[44] Ibid., p. 124.

[45] Amarjit Kaur, The Malay Peninsula in The Nineteenth Century: An Economic Survey in Sarjana 4, 1989, p. 77. See also Sharom Ahmat, The Structure of The Economy of Kedah in JMBRAS 43 (2), 1970, p. 2.

[46] Lim Teck Ghee, Peasants and their Agricultural Economy in Colonial Malaya, 1874-1941, Kuala Lumpur, University Press, 1977, p. 21.

[47] See Abdullah Azmi Khalid, Ekonomi Melayu Kurun ke-19: Sara Diri atau Komersil? in Badriyah Haji Salleh & Tan Liok Ee (editors), Alam Pensejarahan: Dari Pelbagai Perspektif, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1996, p. 225. What is meant here is not the whole discipline of anthropology and sociology are Marxist in nature. Reference is focused on the approach of Marxist and neo-Marxist in the field.

[48] Shaharil Talib, Nineteenth Century Kelantan: A Malay Tributary State in Jurnal Antropologi dan Sosiologi 9, p. 45. See also Wan Hashim, Peasants Under Peripheral Capitalism, Bangi, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1988, pp. 55, 58, 79.

[49] Abdullah Azmi Khalid, Ekonomi Melayu Kurun ke-19: Sara Diri atau Komersil? in Badriyah Haji Salleh & Tan Liok Ee (editors), Alam Pensejarahan: Dari Pelbagai Perspektif, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1996, p. 226.

[50] R.G. Cant, An Historical Geography of Pahang, Kuala Lumpur, The Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1973, pp. 34-35.

[51] Abdullah Azmi Khalid, Ekonomi Melayu Kurun ke-19: Sara Diri atau Komersil? in Badriyah Haji Salleh & Tan Liok Ee (editors), Alam Pensejarahan: Dari Pelbagai Perspektif, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1996, p. 226.

[52] Ibid., p. 227.

[53] Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, From British to Bumiputera Rule: Local Politics and Rural Development in Peninsular Malaysia, Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986, pp. 17-18.

[54] Mohamed Anwar Omar Din, Asal-Usul Orang Melayu: Menulis Semula Sejarahnya in Jurnal Melayu (7), 2011, pp. 49-50.

Details

Pages
30
Year
2014
ISBN (eBook)
9783656861454
ISBN (Book)
9783656861461
File size
570 KB
Language
English
Catalog Number
v285577
Institution / College
National University of Malaysia
Grade
Tags
historical development malay society economic nature during pre-colonial

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Title: The Historical Development of the Malay Society Economic Nature During Pre-Colonial Era